Kept In The Dark: UK Column article on 7/7 for 9/11 25th anniversary by Tony Gosling

[TonyGosling]

Published UK Column version
7/7 BOMBINGS - UK COLUMN - SEPTEMBER 2026
Kept in the dark
21 years on, no CCTV exists of the 4 men accused of the 7 July 2005 bombings on the trains, platforms or bus they were supposed to have bombed
Tony Gosling on the missing evidence behind the deadliest attack on London since the Second World War

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The 1967 Six-Day War and the 1973 Yom Kippur War eliminated neighbouring threats and established Israel as a secure regional military power. The time had come to mobilise Western governments to the Zionist cause. Benjamin Netanyahu – the former team leader of Sayeret Matkal, Israel's equivalent of the SAS - launched a career as the go-to guy to stop the 'terrorist backlash' that he and his Anglo-Zionist allies' aggressive foreign policy had encouraged.
To embed this idea in the NATO countries, a decade of conferences, plans, and books de-legitimising armed resistance to the empire ensued. These included the 1979Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism, Oded Yinon's 1982 plan for a Greater Israel, to 'deal with' Syria, Lebanon, and the PLO, and Netanyahu's own book, Terrorism: How the West Can Win (1986).
Where armed groups could not be infiltrated, funded, armed, and persuaded to commit terrorist acts against Western nations, the Five Eyes securocrats would mastermind spectacular attacks using their own agents or expendable patsies. The Anglo-Zionist empire's securocrats made sure their scripted version of events grabbed the news initiative immediately, and were in place to steer police, press, and anyone who asked difficult questions afterwards.
Politicians and journalists given confidential security service 'briefings' had become mere dupes, with career suicide, or worse, at any sign of scepticism. When Jane Standley announced on the BBC that Building 7 had 'collapsed' while it still stood upright behind her, the establishment looked the other way. The scripted narrative had to be true.

Britain's 9/11
At 8.50am on Thursday 7 July 2005, near-simultaneous explosions tore through three Tube trains at Aldgate, Edgware Road, and Russell Square. At 9.47am, a bomb exploded on the upper deck of a diverted No 30 bus in Tavistock Square. The death tolls were seven, six, 26, and 13 respectively - 52 victims, with more than 700 injured. Adding the four alleged bombers brings the official figure to 56.
Just like on 9/11, the authorities seemed to know who had done it and why almost before the dust had settled. I had spent a year as a researcher at BBC Greater London Radio covering the first Gulf War and the IRA bombing campaign, so this was 'in my old patch', and I was by then a busy 9/11 research editor. Despite the wall-to-wall London news media telling us what was supposed to have transpired, we were not alone in our scepticism.
A lively UK 9/11 Truth Campaign was being shepherded through the ‘naughties’ by Ian Neal, Andy Thomas, Justin Walker, 9/11 author Ian Henshall, ex-MI5 officer Annie Machon, and Ian R. Crane, so several groups of us jumped on the anomalies and began comparing notes. By lunchtime on 7/7, we were already exchanging the first piece of evidence: what was Benjamin Netanyahu doing in London, and why did the Israeli Embassy not appear to have shared with anyone the ~. early morning bomb warning that it had?
The air waves were full of talk, but two decades on, the only evidence we have that 'suicide bombers' Mohammad Sidique Khan (30), Shehzad Tanweer (22), Germaine Lindsay (19), and Hasib Hussain (18) were responsible for the blasts is a series of announcements by the then Met Commissioner Sir Ian Blair, followed by decades of uncritical repetition. In this ‘trial by television’, little evidence that any of the four were in fact ‘suicide bombers’ passes the ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ sniff test.

Netanyahu's bomb warning
A senior Israeli official told the Associated Press on 7/7 that Scotland Yard had called the security officer at the Israeli Embassy minutes before the explosions to say that warnings of possible attacks had been received. Finance minister Netanyahu, due to address an economic conference at the Great Eastern Hotel by Liverpool Street, was told to stay put instead. Israel's foreign minister Silvan Shalom later denied any early information at all. Mossad chief Meir Dagan told Gild am Sonntag three days later that the agency's London office had been alerted at 8.43am, six minutes before the first bomb. The Met denied that it had any foreknowledge, or that it had warned the Israelis before the attacks. Some officials were clearly expecting something, but not telling anyone else.
Back in Israel, former Mossad chief Efraim Halevy was quick off the mark, publishing a Jerusalem Post article, 'Rules of Conflict for a World War', on 7/7 itself. The explosions, he wrote, were the work of perpetrators with an operational capacity of considerable scope: there had been careful planning, intelligence gathering, and a sophisticated choice of timing, as well as near-perfect execution. How did Halevy know, that same day, that the attacks had been simultaneous and near-perfectly executed? Were his officers on the trains? The Met only announced two days later, on 9 July, that the Tube bombs had indeed been almost simultaneous.
Returning from the Gleneagles G8 Summit, Prime Minister Tony Blair chaired a meeting of the government's Emergency Committee, then said in a statement from Downing Street, "We know that these people act in the name of Islam." Little forensic evidence was available at that point, and none establishing who was responsible.
The day after the bombings, Met Commissioner Sir Ian Blair told a press conference: "If London could survive The Blitz, it could survive four miserable bombers like this." He gulped and checked himself: "I'm not saying there are four bombers, four miserable events like this."

Bombs inside or under the Tube trains?
Confirming the bomb locations on 7/7, a news editor at The Guardian sent reporter Mark Honigsbaum to Edgware Road Tube station, from which casualties were still emerging. He found that most of them had been treated and otherwise looked after first in Marks and Spencer, and then in the Hilton opposite. His voice report was filed at around Ham, straight from eyewitnesses and before any mention of such details as 'suicide bombers': "This is Mark Honigsbaum, reporting from the London Hilton Hotel opposite Edgware Road station where we believe there was an explosion this morning under the carriage of a train. I've been speaking to survivors all morning ..."
"And some passengers," he continued, "described how the tiles, the covers on the floor of the train suddenly flew up, raised up. The next thing they know there was another almighty crash, which they now believe was a train travel- ling in the opposite direction, hitting their train which had been derailed by this explosion." A bomb inside a train will press the carriage's chassis down onto the tracks, not lift it up and off the track, but one underneath would.
Honigsbaum's written report the next day carried none of this, referring instead to an injured woman being 'in the carriage where the bomb was placed'. A year later, in The Guardian, he explained the discrepancy himself: two survivors had told him the floor covers had 'raised up', there had been no time to check their statements before the police widened the cordon, and he described his own broadcast report as flawed. When I noticed the discrepancy a few weeks after the attacks, I telephoned him. After a long pause, he told me, "Sometimes, not everything I submit as copy, ends up the next day's paper."
Others caught up in the Aldgate bomb reported the same thing. Dancer Bruce Lait was interviewed by the Cambridge Evening News from his hospital bed under the headline 'I was in tube bomb carriage - and survived'. "The policeman said 'mind that hole, that's where the bomb was'. The metal was pushed upwards as if the bomb was underneath the train. They seem to think the bomb was left in a bag, but 1 don't remember anybody being where the bomb was, or any bag. "Off-duty police officer Elizabeth Kenworthy, who crawled through from the next carriage, described the sides of the carriage coming off and a big hole in the floor; at the inquest she likened it to a ravine, as though the floor had been cleaved.
Several experts appeared in the press discounting the police's 'homemade explosives' line. Christophe Chaboud, then head of France's anti-terrorist coordination unit UCLAT, told Le Monde that the explosives appeared to be of military origin, which he described as very worrying. The Times reported on 12July 2005 that the four devices were believed to be the work of a single bomb- maker using high-grade military explosives rather than homemade materials. British officials disputed this, and the official account eventually settled on explosives made from materials available on the high street.
When photographs of the devastated tube trains were released, interiors showed window frames blown in, not out, and glass all over the carriages, suggesting the bombs did not explode inside.

No CCTV of bombers on, or boarding, bombed trains and bus
Six months after the bombings, and because no CCTV had been released of the four ‘bombers’ on buses, Tube trains, or even underground platforms, Channel 4 News presenter Jon Snow took his film crew into the King's Cross underground, where we had been told the bombers boarded their trains. Walking down the steps towards the platforms, he pointed upward, counting the cameras. He found a dozen of them, so why was there no CCTV footage?
No national journalist could have shown more clearly the total absence of images of 'bombers' in the stations or trains where they were supposed to have blown themselves up. By autumn 2005, the London news media began asking where the CCTV was. The Met's Counter Terrorism Command promised that pictures of Tanweer, Lindsay and Khan at Kings Cross and on the bombed trains would be released. They never were.

Luton to King's Cross train times
In the absence of any judicial process, Home Secretary John Reid published on 11 May 2006 an 'official account' with no declared author. Its timeline had the four alleged bombers entering Luton station at 7.1Sam, captured on CCTV heading for the platform at 7.21am, and taking the 7.40am train to King's Cross. A group of suspicious Londoners approached Thameslink staff, who were perplexed not to have been spoken to at all by the police, and who revealed that the 7.40 from Luton to King's Cross had been cancelled that morning.
Reid was forced to acknowledge this in the Commons, saying that despite the 7.40 not running, it made no difference. The narrative was quietly amended more than a year later. But it did make a difference. Finding long delays and cancellations at Luton, the four would have been hard pressed to reach the bomb locations in time to detonate their devices. It looked as though the Home Office had not asked witnesses, but had simply guessed from a timetable.

Aswat and Finsbury Park Mosque
By the 2000s, the most prominent extremist milieu in London was at the Finsbury Park mosque, where the regular imams had been begging the police to rid them of the men attaching themselves to their congregation. Its best- known figure was Abu Hamza. But it was Haroon Rashid Aswat, who claimed to have been Osama bin Laden's bodyguard, who was soon named by police as a potential 7/7 'ringleader'. Scotland Yard traced 20 phone calls made by the bombers in the hours before the attacks to a phone linked to Aswat. Aswat himself left Britain through Heathrow on 7July, hours before the bombs went off.
In a Fox News interview on 29 July 2005, former US Department of Justice prosecutor John Loftus claimed that Aswat had been working for British intelligence. When the justice department wanted to indict him in Seattle in 1999 over an attempt to set up a terrorist training school in Oregon, Loftus said, its headquarters ordered the Seattle prosecutors not to touch him. What was really embarrassing, he went on, was that the entire British police were out chasing Aswat while one wing of the British Government, MI6, had been hiding him. Asked directly whether Aswat was a double agent, Loftus said that he was.
Aswat was detained in Zambia later in 2005 and deported to Britain, where he fought extradition for nine years before being sent to the United States in 2014 and sentenced over the Oregon camp. US court documents record him telling prison staff that he had been 'a mastermind' behind both 9/11 and the London bombings. He was deported back to Britain in December 2022 and detained at Bethlem Royal Hospital in Bromley under the Mental Health Act; a psychiatrist assessing him recorded that he openly endorsed extremist ideology and had said, "I am a terrorist."
Despite all of that, Aswat never faced a 7/7charge. In July 2026, following a High Court ruling, he was discharged from Bethlem and transferred to another institution for specialist support, with the Home Office monitoring him under a notification order requiring him to report his address, his vehicles, and any foreign travel.

Iqra bookshop, Leeds
Alleged bombers Khan and Tanweer were both trustees of the Iqra bookshop in Bude Street, Beeston, which sold videos and literature encouraging its readers to take up arms against the West. If MI5 had a watch list, Iqra would have been near the top. The shop was managed day to day by a ‘Muslim convert’ and former Royal Navy SBS soldier, Martin 'Abdullah' McDaid.
McDaid was known to MI5 and West Yorkshire Police as far back as 1998, and a joint police and Security Service operation, Operation Warlock, was running in Beeston from at least January 2001. That year, West Yorkshire Police filmed an outdoor camp in the Lake District organised by McDaid, at which Khan was present but went unidentified. In April 2003, McDaid was seen getting into a car registered to a Sidique Khan of Gregory Street. Detectives believed he was using a local mosque linked to recruitment for jihad overseas, and established that he was part of the group running Iqra. McDaid has said publicly that he knew the four, but that he condemned the attacks and terrorism.
Information was also passed to the authorities by the part-timer who fixed Iqra's computers. Martin Gilbertson says he sent West Yorkshire Police a package containing DVDs he had produced for the bookshop, a list of names including Khan and Tanweer, and a covering letter, and heard nothing back. After the attacks, questioned by the BBC, the force denied having received tip-offs from him.

The public inquiry that is still to be
Instead of a public inquiry - the normal judicial process, which PM Tony Blair had called a 'ludicrous diversion' - an inquest was convened five years after the attacks, in October 2010, with no jury. Inquests look at suspicious deaths, not at who carried out an attack and why; its stated aim was to see whether a better emergency response could have saved lives. In the chair was Lady Justice Hallett - later Baroness Hallett, who chaired the Covid Inquiry.
First, astonished families were denied legal aid. Then Hallett ruled that the families would not be able to put their questions to 'Witness G', an MI5 officer who was permitted to give his evidence from behind a screen.
It soon became clear that MI5 had held voluminous files on Khan and Tanweer, covertly observed meeting other terrorist suspects 18 months before the attacks. Witness G accepted that intelligence received in March 2005, four months before 7/7, could have identified Khan as an extremist. Why, then, did MI5 spend the month after the attacks briefing journalists that the bombers were 'clean skins' and that the attack had come 'out of the blue'? Those briefings piled more pain and grief on the survivors and the victims' families.
When the inquest concluded in May 2011, none of the questions about MI5's culpability had been addressed and the security service was cleared of blame. Families said they had not been listened to and that their questions had not been answered, but establishment boxes had been ticked.

MI5 and MI6 officially above the law
The great danger, still unaddressed since 2005, is that without proper scrutiny unscrupulous individuals can build their careers on the threat of events like 7/7.Aseries of what foreign intelligence officers and insiders know are elaborate fables go unchallenged, and no official dares touch the house of cards they work within.
The Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Act 2021 completed the job. Before it, the Investigatory Powers Tribunal had found that MI5 could authorise its agents to commit crimes, but could not grant them immunity from prosecution. The Act converted that authorisation into statutory immunity, and Parliament declined to place murder, torture, or rape beyond its reach on the face of the Bill.
The little we now know about what goes on behind the walls of Thames House does not inspire confidence. MI5's machete-wielding neo-Nazi 'Agent X' was investigated by the BBC's Daniel De Simone; the then Attorney General went to court to stop the story, winning the agent anonymity but failing to prevent publication. In defending that case, MI5 told three courts that it had never confirmed X's status to the journalist. That was false, as De Simone's own notes and recordings proved. MI5 has apologised, the High Court has rejected its two internal reviews as seriously deficient and ordered an independent investigation, and it has paid compensation to the woman ‘X’ abused. Insiders joke that their Latin motto Regnum Defende should more appropriately be given as Rectum Defende.
The Grayzone has published leaked emails showing that M15's director general Ken McCallum privately lob- bied for the proscription of Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps while acknowledging that the direct operational benefit was likely to be modest. As Kit Klarenberg reported, McCallum's public warnings about the threat from China, Iran, and Russia have served to justify ever- greater budgets and powers for an agency whose ultimate targets appear to be domestic dissidents.
As former British Army and special branch officer Charles Shoebridge put it when I asked him why MI5 did not have a press office: "Well, they don't really need one because just about every mainstream home affairs or security correspondent acts as a press officer for MI5."
Writers like George Monbiot push the line that 'nobody could keep such a huge conspiracy secret'. Yet this is precisely what happened with the Birmingham Six and Guildford Four miscarriages of justice in the 1970s and 1980s. Nor was it impossible to keep the colossal D-Day operation secret during wartime. Nor is it in the hybrid wars of today.

MI5's huge file on the 'lead bomber'
Graham Foulkes lost his 22-year-old son David on 7/7. His grief was compounded by having his voicemails hacked by Rupert Murdoch's News if the World. In 2009, Graham told the BBC: "We were told at the time by the government that the four bombers were 'clean skins', they were completely unknown to the intelligence services, that attack had come 'out of the blue' and that therefore there was no way to stop it. But the evidence that's been presented in this trial proves that to be completely untrue. MI5 had a huge file on Mohammad Sidique Khan ... and I can go into that chapter and verse about how he'd been to Pakistan repeatedly, how he'd been to Cumbria, how he'd been to North Wales. Their job is to collect the information, to collate it, to analyse it and to act. That didn't happen and my son died."
Graham and the bereaved of more recent attacks which MI5 failed to stop, and for which it always offers its heart-felt apologies, continue to call for a public inquiry.
Dan Biddle lost both his legs in the 7/7 attack and is still demanding that normal judicial procedure be followed. "A public enquiry won't give me my legs back. It won't give me my eye back," he told the Sunday Mirror. "But I'd have a sense of justice that somebody has been held accountable."
But a kind of public inquiry has already taken place. In pubs, on council estates, and online, millions in Britain and around the world do not trust the Government's account of Britain's 9/11, nor Manchester Arena, nor David Kelly and Diana. They see how the officials who lied to them about their lost legs and their loved ones now openly support Israeli genocide, and have given material support to a nuclear-armed doomsday cult.
And as the Anglo-Zionist empire's Middle East war expands, organised opposition to our warfare state, and the kind of tyranny our grandparents hoped they had banished forever in 1945, will only grow.

Tony Gosling presents his weekly Bristol Politics Show live at 5pm on Fridays via thisweek.org.uk He is the author of The Traitors of Arnhem, Martin Bormann and the Bilderberg Group (2020), and the anthology The Siege of Heaven Reader, Occult Government since the English Civil War (2021).

[TonyGosling]

Make The Terror Real: 7/7 London Bombings were Britain’s 9/11

The 1967 Six-Day and 1973 Yom Kippur wars eliminated neighbouring threats and established Israel as a secure regional military power and the time had come to mobilise Western governments to the Zionist cause. With Judaism’s supremacist Chabad-Lubovitch sect, former team leader in Sayeret Matkal, Israel’s SAS, Benjamin Netanyahu launched a career as the go-to guy to stop the ‘terrorist backlash’ he and his Anglo-Zionist allies’ aggressive foreign policy had been encouraging.
To firmly embed this idea in the psyche of the NATO countries a decade of public conferences, plans and books to de-legitimise armed resistance to the empire ensued. The 1979 Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism, the 1982 Oded Yinon plan for a Greater Israel to ‘deal with’ Syria, Lebanon and the PLO, and Netanyahu’s own book, ‘Terrorism, How The West Can Win. (1986).
Threat assessments, and a PR machine from which all mention of Western intelligence funding and assets were carefully expunged, helped convince anti-terror specialists across the globe that the Israelis were the go-to-guys to help safeguard their citizens from any Arab-related fight-back.
Further North, during the 1980s Cold War, NATO-led Operation Gladio recruited fascists, infiltrated communist and anarchist groups to actively perpetrate scores of terror attacks, including the 1978 kidnap and murder of Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro. Contemporary headlines blamed these attacks on far-left and ‘paymasters’ in the Soviet Union, but over the decades since, NATO intelligence working through secret committees such as fascist, businessman and terrorist Licio Gelli’s Propaganda Due P2 lodge behind Gladio unravelled. NATO’s headline-grabbing terror attacks killed 500 and injured around 2000 innocent Europeans but did its job and kept any politician who wanted to maintain a public/private mixed economy out of European politics.
Where armed groups could not be infiltrated, funded, armed and persuaded to commit terrorist acts against Western nations, the Five Eyes securocrats would mastermind spectacular terror attacks using their own agents or expendable patsies from their own proxy opposition groups.
The Anglo Zionist empire’s securocrats made sure their scripted version of events grabbed the news initiative immediately after an attack. In the short term their cowards and control freaks were in place to steer police, press and everyone who asked difficult questions after the event.
Politicians and journalists given confidential security service ‘briefings’ had become mere dupes. Career suicide, or worse, could ensue at any sign of scepticism. When the 9/11 attacks took place the Twin Towers were brought down by controlled demolition and Jane Standley announced on the BBC that Building 7 had ‘collapsed’ while it still stood upright behind her but the establishment looked the other way. The scripted narrative HAD to be true, this was no longer ‘news’ it was a geopolitical snuff movie being broadcast to billions, live.

Britain’s 9/11
56 people were killed and around 750 injured on Thursday 7th July 2005 in the 7/7 London Bombings. At 0850 there were simultaneous explosions on three tube trains at Aldgate, Edgware Road and Russell Square. An hour later a bomb exploded upstairs at the back of a diverted No. 30 bus in Tavistock Square, the death toll in each of the bombs was 7, 6, 26 and 13 respectively.
Just like on 9/11, the authorities seemed to know who had done it and why almost before the dust had settled. At the beginning of the previous decade I had spent a year as a researcher in the Marylebone High Street production office of BBC Greater London Radio (GLR) covering the first Gulf War and IRA bombing campaign. I immediately began to unpick the story because this was ‘in my old patch’, and I was a busy 9/11 research editor. A week or so later an anonymous film, ‘BT’ appeared online pointing out anomalies. Despite the wall-to-wall London news media telling us what was supposed to have transpired, were not alone in our scepticism.
A lively UK 9/11 Truth Campaign was being ably shepherded through the naughties by Ian Neal, Andy Thomas, Justin Walker, 9/11 author Ian Henshall, ex-MI5 officer Annie Machon and Ian R. Crane, so several groups of us immediately jumped on these anomalies and began comparing notes. By lunchtime on 7/7 we were already exchanging the first piece of evidence: what was Benjamin Netanyahu doing in London and how come his embassy didn’t appear to have shared with anyone an early morning bomb warning the Israeli embassy had?
The airwaves were full of talk, but two decades on, all we have as evidence that ‘suicide bombers’ Mohammad Siddique Khan (30), Shezad Tanweer (22), Germaine Lindsay (19) and Hasib Hussein (18) were responsible for the blasts is a series of announcements by then Met Commissioner Sir Ian Blair, followed by decades of uncritical repetition. In this ‘trial by television’ little evidence that any of the four were in fact ‘suicide bombers’ passes the ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ sniff test. Their names can be added to the official 52 death toll to make it 56.

Netanyahu’s bomb warning
The Israeli embassy official mentioned by the Associated Press on 7/7, Dan Sheham, told journalists Scotland Yard had warned them of a likely terror attack that day. They therefore ‘beefed up’ security and finance minister Netanyahu was recalled just as he was leaving Mayfair’s Aldridge hotel for a conference at Liverpool Street. The embassy had enough time to up their safety measures, but not to tell the then Israeli finance minister to stay put. The Met denied they had any foreknowledge, nor warned the Israelis before the attacks. Some officials were clearly expecting something, but not telling. Lying from the word ‘go’.
Back in Israel former Mossad chief Efraim Halevi was quick off the mark and published a Jerusalem Post article on 7/7 itself: ‘Ex Mossad chief calls for World War after London attack’. ‘The attacks,’ he says, ’were carried out simultaneously with near perfect execution’. How did Halevi know they had been ‘near perfect’ or ‘simultaneous’? Were his officers on the trains? How could he have known what the ‘perfect results’ should have been unless he was in on the plot? The Met only announced two days later, on 9th July, that the tube bombs had indeed been almost simultaneous. For all sixty years of its existence Israel had been grabbing Palestinian land, killing Arabs and stoking the Muslim threat so nobody should be surprised if Israel’s fight had, as Netanyahu and others predicted, come to London.
On the afternoon of the explosions Prime Minister Tony Blair flew down from the Gleneagles G8 and told the world, ‘We know these people act in the name of Islam’. But that afternoon hardly any evidence was available about the attacks, let alone proof of suicide bombers, nor who they were. While casualties are still being treated and there has been no chance gather evidence Blair’s statement is impossible, unless someone had already decided who was going to take the blame.
The day after the bombings Met Commissioner Sir Ian Blair convened a press conference. ‘If London could survive The Blitz it could survive four miserable bombers like this’. He suddenly gulped and checked himself, ‘I’m not saying there are four bombers, four miserable events like this’.

Bombs inside or under tube trains?
When a news editor hears a terrorist attack has happened in their city they’ll immediately call staff together, sending selected reporters to the scene by different routes: cab; tube; moped; or even pushbike, hoping to start covering the story ahead of rivals. With live radio, if we were lucky we’d get a phone call in to a nearby building to begin live commentary by someone overlooking the scene as emergency services were arriving.
On confirming the bomb locations on 7/7, The Guardian news editor handed reporter Mark Honigsbaum a voice recorder and sent him off to Edgware Road tube from which casualties were still emerging. He found most of them had been treated and otherwise looked after first in Marks and Spencer, then in the London Hilton hotel opposite. Mark’s voice report was recorded around lunchtime on 7/7 straight from eyewitnesses before any mention of such details as ‘suicide bombers’:
‘This is Mark Honigsbaum reporting from the London Hilton Hotel opposite Edgware Road station where we believe there was an explosion this morning UNDER [my emphasis] the carriage of a train. I’ve been speaking to survivors all morning...’ After some gruesome descriptions he goes on, ‘What seems to have happened is that sometime around 9.30 this morning passengers in a train from Edgware Road travelling to Paddington, they’d just left Edgware Road station, when suddenly they heard, they felt, a massive explosion UNDER [my emphasis] the carriage of the train.’
‘And some passengers’, he went on, ‘described how the tiles, the covers on the floor of the train suddenly FLEW UP, [my emphasis] RAISED UP. The next thing they know there was another almighty crash, which they now believe was a train travelling in the opposite direction, hitting their train which had been derailed [lifted up] by this explosion.’ A bomb inside a train will press the carriage’s chassis down onto the tracks, not lift it up, and off the track, but one underneath would. This train was derailed into the path of an oncoming one by the bomb.
Mark’s Guardian article ‘Stories of Screaming Despair and Courage’ was published the next day, but there was, and remains, a striking difference. Mark’s report on the spot had four clear references to eyewitness evidence the bomb was underneath the train, but none of that appeared in his written report, which instead refers to an injured woman being ‘IN [my emphasis] the carriage where the bomb was placed’.
When I noticed this discrepancy a few weeks later I phoned Mark at The Guardian and asked him if he could explain. After a long pause, he told me, ‘Sometimes, not everything I submit as copy, ends up the next day’s paper.’ Of course, he’s right. With today’s desktop published papers any number of ‘hackers’ including unscrupulous subs, or editors, can alter a journalists copy before it gets printed.
Several caught up in the Aldgate bomb, including dancer Bruce Lait, and off-duty policewoman Lizzie Kenworthy, independently reported a big hole in the carriage floor. Bruce was interviewed by The Cambridge Evening News from his hospital bed under the headline ‘I was in tube bomb carriage and survived’. ‘The policeman said ‘mind that hole, that’s where the bomb was’’, he recalled. ‘The metal was pushed upwards, as if the bomb was underneath the train. They seem to think the bomb was left in a bag. But I don’t remember anybody being where the bomb was. Or any bag.’
All described very powerful blasts and several experts appeared in the press discounting the police’s ‘home made explosives’ line. One of the most prominent was France’s former DST anti-terror chief Christophe Chaboud who said the tube train bombs were so powerful they were almost certainly C4 military explosives and could not have been ‘home-made’.
When photos of the devastated tube trains were released, interiors showed window frames blown in, not out, and glass all over the carriages. More evidence pointing to explosive devices underneath tube carriages.

No CCTV of bombers on platforms, tubes or bus
Six months or so after the bombings, and because no CCTV had been released of any of the four bombers on buses, tube trains, or even underground platforms, Channel 4 News’ Jon Snow took his film crew into Kings Cross underground where we had been told the bombers boarded their trains. Walking down the steps toward the platforms he pointed upward, counting the cameras, one, two, three... twelve cameras, so why no CCTV?
A national TV journalist could not show more clearly show how damning a total absence of images of ‘bombers’ in the underground stations or trains where they were supposed to have blown themselves up. By the Autumn of 2005 the London news media began asking where these CCTV of the bombers was. Met counter-terror command promised pictures of Tanweer, Lindsay and Khan would be released in due course. They never were.

Bus bomber eyewitness ignored
On 7th July 2006 Daniel Obachike’s story got a front page lead and double page spread in black newspaper New Nation, but his account had been ridiculed or ignored by the rest of the London news media. He saw, he says, ‘a white Caucasian man in his mid twenties. with a grey two-tone rucksack.’ acting suspiciously, boarding the bus and heading upstairs. This man, who Obachike believes was the real bomber, came back downstairs a few minutes later, but without his rucksack, and got off. Moments later the top was ripped off the back end of Daniel’s No 30 bus as thirteen passengers perished in Tavistock Square.
Daniel published a book ‘The Fourth Bomb’ in July 2007. Nobody, he says, fitting the description of alleged bomber Hasib Hussein had got on, or off that bus. When pressed at a November 2008 public meeting he held ‘The Peter Power Terror Drill Inquest’, he explained that an hour after the simultaneous tube bombs he was wary of possible further attacks, watching everything from the front of the bus, ready to get off at a moments notice. Perhaps the bombers had been killed elsewhere, by another party?

Peter Power’s terror drill
Among the most memorable stories that day was told by a former Dorset policeman sacked for fiddling his expenses, Peter Power. He made the claim on 7/7, across the world media, that he was running a table top exercise that morning, postulating bombs at exactly the same three tube stations where the real bombs blew up. What this eight billion to one ‘spooky coincidence’, as he put it on Canadian TV, does actually tell us is that when he said there was no link to the attack, he was lying
Power became rather coy when quizzed about who he had been running his ‘spooky’ exercise for. His duty was to protect his confidential client. It wasn’t until October 2008 that this supposed patron was revealed on the blog of BBC Conspiracy Files series, Mike Rudin. According to Power, the known liar, it was Reed Elsevier, military publisher and convener of September’s annual DSEI arms fairs in Docklands.

Luton to Kings Cross train times
In the absence of any judicial process, on 11 May 2006 Home Secretary John Reid published an ‘official account’ with no declared author. His timeline of 7/7 events included the four alleged bombers taking the 07:40 train from Luton to Kings Cross. A group of suspicious Londoners, approached Thameslink staff, only to discover they were perplexed not to have been spoken to at all by police and revealed on the morning of 7/7 that the 7:40 from Luton to Kings Cross had been cancelled.
Reed was forced made an apologetic Commons statement on 11th July 2006 saying that despite the 7:40 not running, it made no difference. But it did. Entering Luton station at 7:22 and finding long delays and cancelled trains, the four would have found it impossible to get through Kings Cross and to the bomb locations in time to detonate their devices. It looked like the Home Office had not asked witnesses, just guessed from a timetable when compiling their official narrative.

Who are Al Muhajiroun?
The Al Muhajiroun (AM) sect, ‘the emigrants in English’ indistinguishable from Saudi-funded Salafist, Wahhabist, Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT), began operating in the UK in 1986, around the same time as the CIA/MI6 Operation Cyclone began funding Islamist armies to fight the Russians in Afghanistan. Intelligence agencies felt the need to create their own domestic violent extremist groups in order keep an eye on naive young Muslims who might believe armed struggle was the only way to defend their peoples. Political means, so the MI6 story goes, had been exhausted, and they may have been right.
These local HuT booksellers usually had white ‘Muslim converts’ in charge of the purse strings and British Pakistani ‘evangelisers’ as the public face of HuT. Sales didn’t seem to be enough to support staff and travel/event expenses but nobody was able to say where funds for these organisations came from. AM tended to operate, where it could get away with it, inside the mosques.
Literature was mainly religious training, spreading the creed of violent Islam in the West through DVDs and books. By the 2000s the most prominent AM cell was at Finsbury Park mosque but regular Mullahs here had been begging the police to arrest or otherwise rid them of these maniacs attaching themselves to their congregation.
The most prominent leader of the Finsbury AM cell was Abu Hamza, but Haroon Rashid Aswat who claimed to be Osama bin Laden’s former bodyguard, was soon mentioned by police as a potential 7/7 ‘ringleader’. Scotland Yard discovered Aswat had twenty phone calls with the alleged bombers just before the attacks. In a 29 July 2005 Fox News interview former US special prosecutor, John Loftus claimed Aswat had been working for British intelligence ever since the 1990s Kosovo war.
‘Back in 1999 he [Aswat] came to America. The justice department wanted to indict him in Seattle because he and his buddy were trying to set up a terrorist training school in Oregon. We’ve just learned that the headquarters of the US justice department ordered the Seattle prosecutors not to touch Aswat. Apparently Aswat was working for British intelligence’. Loftus goes on, ‘What’s really embarrassing is that the entire British police are out chasing him, and one wing of the British government, MI6, or the British secret service, has been hiding him... He [Aswat] is a double agent.’
Aswat was eventually arrested in Zambia later in 2005 and shipped over to the United States to serve his sentence for US terror training camp crimes he had committed with Hamza in 1999. He has been incarcerated for other crimes ever since. Aswat arrived back in the UK in 2022 and on his return a US psychiatrist report revealed that Aswat still openly endorsed extremist ideology, telling him in an interview ‘I am a terrorist’.
Despite having allegedly confessed while in US custody Aswat still faced no 7/7 charges, and in July 2026, incredibly, he was released from Bethlem Royal Hospital in Bromley, Kent where he had been held under the mental health act as a violent extremist’. While still, hopefully under some mental health supervision, Haroon Aswat is now a free man.

Iqra Bookshop, Leeds, manager Martin McDaid
Alleged bombers Khan and Tanweer sold videos and literature in Beeston’s HuT Iqra bookshop which claimed Muslims have violent prophetic duties and encouraged them to take up arms against the West. If MI5 had a watch list, Iqra and Finsbury Park mosque will have been close to the top. Iqra was managed day-to-day by ‘Muslim convert’ and former UK SBS special forces marine Martin McDaid. It was the manager’s extra-mural activities which should have really raised eyebrows. He arranged guerrilla warfare ‘training courses’ for local recruits in North Wales and Cumbria in his spare time.
In case MI5 hadn’t noticed Beeston’s little ‘private army’ forming up, information was also being passed to the authorities by a part-timer who fixed Iqra’s computers. Martin Gilbertson reported them to West Yorkshire police, which led to the bookshop computers being seized a year before the bombings. After the attacks when questioned by the BBC, Leeds cops denied ever having received tip-offs from Gilbertson.
With its CEO on the run, this Israeli firm won a tube CCTV contract
If bombs and timers were fixed under the tube trains the previous night, it may have been with the connivance of US contractor Bechtel, or Verint Systems, an Israeli intelligence software services company who had won a London Underground CCTV contract in September 2004. Both foreign military-connected firms had full security pass access to the deep tube network courtesy of Metronet Rail, who were sacked from security oversight after the bombings.
Verint Systems’ boss was ex-IDF officer Daniel Bodner, and his parent company CEO Kobi Alexander, was a known criminal. The latter was on the run from the US stock market regulator SEC at the time. When he got wind of the SEC probe Alexander stole $13m of company money to finance an escape to Namibia and a new life there.
In 2005 the tube was carrying about three million passengers a day. Why was a firm with a public criminal record even allowed to bid for such a sensitive security contract? In 2008, when the Montreal Metro considered a bid from Verint, their criminal boss, as well as CCTV failures at the London Bombings, were cited and the bid rejected by the Canadians.

The public enquiry that is still to be
Instead of a public enquiry, the normal judicial process which PM Tony Blair said would be a ‘ludicrous diversion’, five years after the attacks in October 2010 an inquest was convened with no jury. Inquests look at a single suspicious death, not multiple, and its stated aim was not to find out who’d carried out the bombings and why, but to see if a better emergency response could have saved lives. In the chair was Lady Justice Hallett, who later went on to chair the 2022 Covid enquiry.
I was told by an anonymous police source before the inquest that Germaine Lindsay was the most unlikely suicide bomber of the four. He had been a well-off money launderer in Aylesbury, was about to get married, and had everything to live for.
First, astonished families were denied legal aid, then Hallett ruled the families would not be able to put any of their burning questions to ‘Witness G’ an MI5 officer who, she decided, would become the first ever witness in a British court to be allowed to make their statement and answer Hallett’s soft questions, from behind a screen.
It soon became clear that MI5 had, as expected, held voluminous files on alleged Iqra bookshop bombers Khan and Tanweer. They had been covertly observed meeting with other terrorist suspects 18 months before the attacks. Why then did MI5 spend the month after the attacks briefing journalists that the alleged bombers were ‘clean skins’ and that the attack came ‘out of the blue’? Like the Manchester Arena bombings’ malicious blogger Richard D Hall, MI5’s these poisonous lies only piled more pain and grief on the survivors and victims’ families.
When the inquest ground to a conclusion in May 2011 despite being the announced purpose the year before, none of the questions about MI5 culpability had been addressed. The security service were cleared of blame. Upset families expressed their dissatisfaction that they hadn’t been listened to and their questions had not been answered, but establishment boxes had been ticked and they would, supposedly, just have to ‘suck it up’.

MI5 and MI6 now officially above the law
The great danger, still unaddressed since the carnage London suffered in 2005 is that, with the wrong people in the job, and without proper scrutiny, unscrupulous individuals can now build their careers on the threat of events like 7/7. A series of what foreign intelligence officers and insiders know are elaborate fables, such as the Salisbury Skripals alleged Novichok attack, go unchallenged, and no official dares touch the house of cards they work within.
In October 2020 the Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Bill, confirmed by the IPT in August 2026, altered the law to ensure intelligence informants could not be prosecuted for murder or any other crime, to ‘preserve their cover’.
The little we now know about what goes on behind the walls of Thames House does not inspire confidence. Their machete-wielding Neo-Nazi ‘Agent X’ was investigated in 2022 by the BBC’s Daniel de Simone, but MI5 went to court to defend their incompetence and stop the scandal being reported. Over the next three years a cascade of perjury spilled out in court from ‘Officer 2, and ‘Officer 3’ trying to keep a lid on his crimes. No expense was spared to avoid embarrassment for their violent far-right friend. Insiders joke that their Latin motto ‘Regnum Defende’ (Defence of the Realm) should more appropriately be given as ‘Rectum Defende’.
In August 2026 The Grayzone published leaked emails showing that during the 2024 spending review that ‘MI5 chief’, DG Ken McCallum had ‘Stoked the Iran threat to boost agency budget’. MI5 had run a press campaign about ‘threat levels’ which, since his agency is opaque, ‘Spy Ken’ knew would be impossible to contradict. As desired, Kit Klarenberg noted that, as desired, PM Keir Starmer increased MI5’s budget six months later by seven percent.
As former British army and special branch officer Charles Shoebridge put it to me in 2017 when I asked him why MI5 didn’t have a press office: ‘Well they don’t really need one because just about every mainstream home affairs or security correspondent acts as a press officer for MI5.’

The great plan of a criminal elite?
Writers like George Monbiot push the line that ‘nobody could keep such a huge conspiracy secret’. Yet this is precisely what happened with the Birmingham Six and Guildford Four miscarriages of justice in the 1970s and 80s. Nor was it impossible to keep the colossal D-Day operation secret during wartime. Nor is it in the hybrid wars of today.
What if 7/7 was just one station on the centuries old track to revive Middle East dreams of the medieval Knights Templar? To demonise British Muslims just as Hitler and Bormann demonised Jews in 1930s/40s Nazi Germany? The empire’s double purpose, to build support for an Zionist/Muslim Middle East war which would demonise the Abrahamic faiths in one, extremely bloody, fell swoop? This is precisely the stated aim of Accelerationist silicone valley billionaires such as Peter Thiel, Alex Karp, Elon Musk et al. Still speculation, but looking more likely as events unfold.
MI5’s huge file on alleged ‘lead bomber’
Graham Foulkes lost his 22 year old son David on 7/7. His grief was compounded by having his voicemails hacked by Rupert Murdoch. In 2009 Graham told the BBC “We’ve had four years now of no answers to very important questions. The government have stonewalled everything. It’s been very, very difficult and continues to be very, very difficult.”
“We were told at the time by the government that the four bombers were ‘clean skins’, they were completely unknown to the intelligence services, that attack had come ‘out of the blue’ and that therefore there was no way to stop it. But the evidence that’s been presented in this trial proves that to be completely untrue. “
“MI5 had a huge file on Mohammad Sidique Khan” he continued, “and I can go into that chapter and verse about how he’d been to Pakistan repeatedly, how he’d been to Cumbria, how he’d been to North Wales. MI5 had this huge file.”
“Their job is to collect the information, to collate it, to analyse it and to act. That didn’t happen and my son died.” “Systems and processes which were in place then and failed to prevent the bombers are the same systems and processes that are in place now. And the government have chosen to maintain that status quo. I think that’s really worrying.”
But Graham and his friends, a succession of casualties and the bereaved of more recent terrorist attacks which MI5 failed to stop, and for which they always offer their heart-felt apologies, continue to call for a public enquiry into the repeated catastrophic failings of MI5.
Dan Biddle lost both his legs in the 7/7 attack and is still demanding normal judicial procedure is followed. “A public enquiry won’t give me my legs back. It won’t give me my eye back,” he told the Sunday Mirror. “But I’d have a sense of justice that somebody has been held accountable.”
But a kind of enquiry has already taken place. In pubs, on council estates and online millions in Britain and around the world don’t trust the government account of Britain’s 9/11, nor Manchester Arena, nor, come to that, David Kelly and Diana. They see how the officials that lied to them about their lost legs and their loved ones now openly support Israeli genocide, have pledged allegiance to and material support for a nuclear armed doomsday cult.
And as the Anglo Zionist empire’s Middle East war expands, organised opposition to our warfare state, and the kind of tyranny our grandparents hoped they had banished forever in 1945, will only grow.

Credit
Tony Gosling presents his weekly Bristol Politics Show on Fridays live at 5pm via thisweek.org.uk and is the author of two books: ‘The Traitors Of Arnhem, Martin Bormann and the Bilderberg group’ (2020) which examines links between Churchill and Hitler’s private secretaries; and an anthology: ‘The Siege Of Heaven Reader, occult government since the English civil war’ (2021)

Speed school: 7/7 documentaries, books and online resources
FILM: BT 6.0: the first 7/7 London Bombings investigative documentary (July 2005) 35m
FILM: Ludicrous Diversion, definitive 7/7 London Bombings documentary (2005) 27m
FILM: 7/7 Mind The Gap, Adrian Connock and David Shayler (2005) 40m
FILM: 7/7 Ripple Effect by Muad-Dib (John Hill) (2007) 57m
FILM: 7/7 Bombings What Did They Know? The inquests (2011) Keelan Balderson 1hr 20m
BOOK: Terror On The Tube, behind the veil of 7/7 (2009) by Nick Kollerstrom – fairly accurate but written by a Nazi apologist
BOOK: The London Bombings, an independent inquiry (2006) by Nafeez Ahmed – good account but Nafeez confessed the publisher insisted the word ‘suspects’ and ‘accused’ be removed from all his references to the four accused bombers
CAMPAIGN: UK 9/11 Truth Campaign’s 7/7 discussion board (26Jul05 to present) 911forum.org.uk/viewtopic.php?f=9
CAMPAIGN: J7 Truth Campaign (active 2005-2011) julyseventh.co.uk still online but extensive bulletin board now offline
DOCUMENTARY: Operation Gladio, 3 part BBC Timewatch series, Allan Francovich (1992) 2hrs 25m
DOCUMENTARY: Loose Change 2nd edition, 9/11, inside job? by Dylan Avery (2005)
FEATURE FILM: Charlie Wilson’s War (2007) CIA funding violent Islam against the Soviets in 1980s Afghanistan