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'We Muslims are the new Jews' says MP

 
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 12, 2007 7:33 pm    Post subject: Arabs are the new ...Jews Reply with quote

'Escape is impossible'

It is a destitute, oppressive place, where 70,000 Palestinian refugees
are squeezed into one square kilometre and violence is the norm.
Ghaith Abdul-Ahad visits Ain al-Hilweh, Lebanon's biggest refugee
camp, and talks to the new generation of jihadis whose experience
reflects the Islamisation of Arab youth throughout the Middle East

In pictures: Ghaith Abdul-Ahad on life in the camp

Tuesday June 12, 2007
The Guardian

A PLO gunman patrols the streets of Ain al-Hilweh
A PLO gunman patrols the streets of Ain al-Hilweh. Photograph: Ghaith
Abdul-Ahad

It is a Monday in early June and four bearded jihadi fighters hide in
a bicycle repair shop less than 50 meters from a Lebanese army
position at the entrance of Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp, the biggest
camp in Lebanon. Around them is a familiar battle scene; the smell of
burned concrete mixed with gunpowder, a cloud of smoke rising,
hundreds of bullet-holes peppering the buildings. The street is empty
apart from an occasional lone fighter who sprints across the road from
one position to the other.

Article continues
The clashes between the jihadi Palestinian group of Jund al-Sham and
the Lebanese army had stopped a few hours ago, leaving at least one
militant dead and three injured. The army lost two men.

Residents are already on the move, fearing a repetition of the two
weeks-old battles raging in another Palestinian camp between another
jihadi group - Fatah al-Islam - and the Lebanese army. There, at the
smaller Nahr al-Bared camp in Tripoli, to the north of Lebanon, at
least 70 people had been killed.

One of the fighters, who is in his early 20s, wearing a black T-shirt
carrying the words "Allahu Akbar" and nestling an M16 rifle between
his legs, says: "They are cowards those soldiers. This is a
Palestinian camp, this is not Israel."

The Islamist group of Jund al-Sham is believed to have no more than 50
fighters. Like other jihadi groups in the camp, some of the fighters
are veterans of the war in Iraq. They are flourishing in the
Palestinian refugee camps of Lebanon, which have been in place since
1948 when Palestinians fled or were expelled to make way for the
creation of the state of Israel. There are 12 such established camps
in Lebanon, the most well-known of which, Sabra and Shatila, were made
notorious in 1982 when the South Lebanon Army massacred up to 3,500
people, many of them civilians, under the watch of the Israeli army.

In many respects, Ain al-Hilweh and other camps are the microcosm of a
failed Arab state and its anger and politics: packed, crowded,
frustrated, hot-housed and surrounded by guards. They reflect the
politicisation, the Islamisation and the radicalisation of Arab youth
all over the Middle East. Their inhabitants are oppressed and kept
poor by badly managed and corrupt regimes; they are hemmed in by visa
restrictions and borders that are almost impossible to cross.

For years now the secular factions, which were in the ascendant in the
1970s, have been challenged by the rising star of jihadis and
fundamentalists. In the middle lies the besieged nation, filled with
anger, mostly at Israel, where many of their families lived until
1948. These are the realities of not only Ain al-Hilweh but of all the
Middle East.

Ain al-Hilweh is the biggest of the Palestinian refugee camps in
Lebanon, situated in the south of the country on the edge of the
ancient city of Sidon, less than an hour's drive from the northern
borders of Israel. The name means the "Sweet Water Spring".

Almost 50 years ago, the recently formed UNRWA - the UN relief agency
for Palestinian refugees - leased the land around the Sweet Water
Spring from the Lebanese government, to provide a temporary shelter
for the tens of thousands of Palestinian refugees who were then
flooding into south Lebanon.

Six decades and four generations later, the camp looks like every
other destitute Arab town; a busy market, houses built from concrete
cinder blocks packed close to each other, children and chickens
running in the dirty roads between piles of garbage, open sewers,
record shops blaring Arab pop music all day, and young men in tight
jeans standing at corners staring at other young men in jeans, looking
for a fight to break the deadly boring cycle of the day.

Just like the imagined city of the movie Escape from New York, Ain al-
Hilweh resembles a huge maximum-security prison. Walls are topped with
barbed wire, army-fortified posts and armoured vehicles. As many as
70,000 Palestinian refugees are squeezed into a square kilometre.

The unemployed, the revolutionaries and the fundamentalists roam the
streets like gangs. Violence is the norm, and escape is impossible.

Lebanese conscript soldiers, wearing tin helmets and US flak jackets
from the Vietnam era, and armed with M16 rifles, stand guard at the
checkpoints leading into the camp. Positioned behind them are
fortifications made from tyres and barrels filled with sand. They
inspect the ID cards of everyone going in or out of the camp. Drivers
are asked to open their car boots and journalists, NGO workers, and
foreigners have to get permission from the Lebanese military
intelligence just to get inside the camp.

"Sometimes we call it Gaza II," I was told a few weeks ago by a very
thin young Palestinian student as we negotiated our way through the
checkpoint.

But when I visit the camp again two days after the recent clashes, the
main checkpoint is almost deserted. Shaken soldiers inspect my ID card
quickly and wave me through. The ground is covered with empty bullet
casings, a reminder of the heavy fighting.

A few metres on from the Lebanese army, there is another checkpoint.
This one is manned by soldiers of the armed struggle: two old men,
carrying Kalashnikovs, dressed in combat fatigues, red berets and
trainers. They are veterans from the PLO's heyday of the 1970s.

Now you are in "Palestinian territory".

The graffiti and posters start from there, pictures of Yasser Arafat,
the (secular, PLO) Palestinian leader next to those of Sheikh Ahmed
Yassin - the spiritual leader of Hamas, who was assassinated by the
Israelis.

The camp's main streets, which are usually crowded with people and
motorbikes, are empty. Gunmen with different shapes of beards and of
the different factions stand at street corners, under insignias of
their militias. The street looks like a bazaar of old and new
revolutionary brands: PFLP, DFLP, Fatah, Hamas and so on.

Each neighbourhood carries the name of its inhabitants' original
village or town in Palestine and shares a certain political loyalty to
one of the factions. Most of the camp's residents today have never
visited their families' homes, which are mostly in Galilee in what is
now northern Israel.

Hind is a young Palestinian woman and a leftwing activist. She doesn't
wear a hijab, and always dresses in baggy trousers and a red, green
and black scarf. She lives outside the camp, in the city of Sidon, but
she was born in Ain al-Hilweh and knows every tiny alleyway. She can
jump between a very thick Palestinian accent and Lebanese. She spends
her time in the camp, organising activities and exhibitions. I asked
her one day what is it like to be called "a Palestinian", though her
father was born in a refugee camp in another country, and so was she.
She told me how, after the Israeli withdrawal from the south of
Lebanon, she went with some friends to the border. "We stood on the
edge of the fence, Palestine was there in front of us," she says. "The
air that came from Palestine was different, it was sweet, it came from
our lands."

A few metres down the main road there is the military HQ of the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), the Marxist
militant group that was responsible for spectacular attacks in the
1970s, such as the Leila Khaled hijacking of an El Al plane.

The HQ is a small room with two camp beds. The commander, a thin man
in his late 40s, sits on one of the beds, his red beret resting on the
top of his skull, and wisps of hair falling on to his forehead. He
drinks bitter coffee and fiddles with his phone. Around him, four
other veterans of the faction's decades of wars gather around a small
table. They are all dressed in combat gear; everyone is on high alert
because of the clashes.

"The camp is made of different factions and everyone belongs to a
faction," the commander tells me. "I can't walk with you to the end of
the street because PFLP turf stops a couple of blocks from here. Each
faction has its territory."

"It's so easy to form a faction and a militia here," he says. "We are
poor, our parties are not paying us, we can't leave here and we can't
travel, so if someone pays a young kid $500 a month, of course he will
join any movement. Most of those jihadis were once fighters with us
and other Palestinian factions."

He thinks for a moment. "If you come to me and give me a $100,000, I
will split from the PFLP and form the PFLP: Believers' Army. It's so
easy."

The contrast between the ailing, ill-equipped and ill-fed fighters of
the old "secular" factions and muscular, bearded and well-equipped
jihadis is huge.

I go to see a member of this new generation of radicals, a fighter and
commander of Usbat al-Ansar, a group of jihadist Palestinians in the
camp, called Abu Omar. We first met more than a year ago when I was
told by his friends that he was "very funny and very sweet ... he
makes jokes all the time". The Lebanese government is said to have
sentenced him to death three times.

I walk towards the area where the clashes between the Lebanese army
and the Islamists took place, a sort of a no-man's land between the
edge of the camp and the Lebanese army checkpoints. "Tameer" is the
Islamists' turf, where most of the men on the streets have long beards
and some wear shalwar kameez and black prayer-caps, the signature
dress for the Salafi-jihadi Islamists in the region.

The area has also become a safe haven not only for jihadis fresh from
Iraq but also for wanted criminals such as arms dealers.

"Long live the leader Zarqawi," is written on a wall, referring to the
al-Qaida commander in Iraq who was killed last year. A photomontaged
poster hangs from a light pole, showing a young man holding a rifle in
front of a burning US Humvee. It says: "The Martyr, the Lion, the
hero, martyred in Iraq in 2005 fighting the crusaders."

I come across two fighters, who are relaxing by the shade of a
building and keeping an eye on the frontline. I ask them if they know
where Abu Omar is.

"Who wants to see him?" one asks me, still busy eating his ice cream.

I explain that I already know Abu Omar.

They ask me to follow, and we walk through a maze of alleyways into a
yard where Abu Omar is sitting, surrounded by his men.

Abu Omar looks like an Arab version of the Scandinavian god Thor. He
is tall with huge muscled arms, a thin waist, a thick ginger beard and
kinky long hair. Strapped to him are a small machine gun, two pistols
and eight magazines. A veteran of the jihad in Iraq, he greets me
using Iraqi words.

He once told me that his two new black (Glock) pistols - the kind that
the US army is supplying to the Iraqi police - were his "spoils of the
war".

He was born in the Ain al-Hilweh camp. His father was born in the
camp, too; his grandfather came to Lebanon as a refugee from Galilee
when he was a small boy after the 1948 war.

When he was six years old, he got his first classes in military
training in a PLO Cubs training camp. "I was 12 when the Israelis
invaded Lebanon in 1982," he says. "I didn't do much fighting then but
it really helped to shape the fighter in me. We used to carry
ammunition to the fighters."

Three years later, he became a fully fledged fighter when Shia
factions supported by the Syrians started a two-year battle against
Palestinian camps in the mid-1980s, in the midst of the Lebanese civil
war.

In the early 1990s he joined the radical Islamist Usbat al-Ansar. But
the war in Iraq was a turning point. Instead of fighting against other
factions in the camp, they found a better enemy - and like many all
over the Middle East, their long-awaited jihad dreams could be
fulfilled in Iraq.

Now Usbat al-Ansar is considered one of the strongest factions in the
camp; it is flooded with money from the jihadi networks in the Middle
East, and has a rank and file made of enthusiastic, indoctrinated
young jihadis. The story of their rise and the demise of secular
movements mirrors the story of the Middle East.

"I have been fighting since the age of six and I tell you the apostate
secular PLO fighters are more courageous than the Americans," says Abu
Omar. "At least they don't hide behind armoured Humvees." He says he
went to Iraq not as a suicide bomber but to provide training to the
Iraqis and to other young Arabs, mostly from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf
states. "Saddam destroyed the Iraqi army: he created a bunch of
overweight, corrupt officers who didn't know how to fight."

He says he participated in many attacks against the US and Iraqi army.
For a while his group had a base in the northern Iraqi town of Tal
Afar until a US-led attack forced them out of the city and he went
back to Ramadi. He did two trips of six months each to Iraq.

"People say if I am Palestinian why not go and fight for the
liberation of my country instead of fighting in Iraq?" he says. "I
tell them it's the same people, we have the Jews here in Palestine and
the Americans are there in Iraq. Both are occupations."

He shaved off his long beard and the Iraqis who he met at the border
supplied him with a fake ID card. (His Iraqi ID card looks as real as
my genuine Iraqi ID card.) He was given a Shia name.

He clearly understands why the jihadists are so successful in the
camp. "If the economic and security situation was stable, the jihadi
movements almost don't exist," he says. "It's only when there is a
security vacuum that jihad flourishes. Just like in Iraq."

The ice-cream fighters are standing in silent respect behind Abu Omar,
part bodyguards, part disciples. One of them, a tall and muscled man
with a pistol strapped to his waist, claims that he started the fight
with the Lebanese army the day before.

"They [Lebanese soldiers] taunted us, they told us 'We will kill you
like we are killing Fatah al-Islam [in Nahr Al-Bared camp]'," he says.
"So I went home with my friend and we got our weapons and started
shooting at them." Soon other jihadis joined the fight and a full-
scale battle raged for hours. "Abu Omar had taught us how to fight,"
the young fighter told me.

I first meet Saleh in a sit-in at a PFLP rally at the entrance to the
camp, a protest demanding the release of leaders in Gaza who had been
jailed by the Israeli army a few weeks earlier.

Plastic chairs are organised in a big circle, a man is reading
speeches over a microphone, coffee is served in plastic cups, the
walls are decorated with pictures of leaders and logos, and a
Kalashnikov rifle with a red piece of cloth wrapped around the top is
laid next to the jailed leader's picture like a bundle of flowers.

A banner hanging on the wall reads: " We will fight for Palestine
generation after generation."

Saleh is sitting with his friends under a poster of another dead
leader. He is 20 years old, but he looks 16. His hair is dyed orange-
blond on top. A small wooden map of Palestine hangs around his neck.
"This is from inside," he says, referring to the parts of Palestine
that became Israel in 1948 - a mythical place for those in exile so
long. "From Jaffa." He holds tightly to the little piece of wood as if
it is a piece of Christ's cross.

Like most of the young men here he is unemployed and had dropped out
from school when he was 12. He joined the Marxist Palestinian group
the PFLP; his father, uncle and mother were all communist.

"I wake up in the morning and then stand around with my friends," he
says, in the filthy PFLP office with its threadbare sofas. "It's so
boring here. Even the people I meet I have met every day of my life.
We have talked about everything."

"Do you go out of the camp?" I ask him.

"No."

"Why not? The sea is very beautiful near here."

"I don't like to feel like a fish out the water. I don't like going
out - every time we are stopped by that checkpoint the Lebanese
soldiers they look at you as if you are a piece of filth."

In theory Palestinians can leave the camp freely but in practice they
are subjected to draconian controls, especially after events in Nahr
al-Bared. At the hint of any problem involving Palestinians in
Lebanon, the army seals off the camp.

For the past six decades, Palestinians in Lebanon have been at the
very margins of society and have difficult relations with the Lebanese
people, accused by some as being the cause of the civil war and fought
against by every faction at one point or another. They are subjected
to discriminatory laws: their movements are constrained, they are
banned from owning or inheriting property and they are prevented from
working in 72 specified jobs. This means that most of the young
Palestinians here are unemployed, and those lucky enough to work can
only get jobs as barbers, taxi drivers and construction workers. They
live a besieged life.

The atmosphere of lawlessness inside the camp, meanwhile, makes it the
preferred refuge for jihadis and other militiamen, many of whom are
wanted by the Lebanese authorities, which have no power inside the
camp. (They signed security arrangements with the Palestinian factions
at the Cairo agreement in 1969.)

I walk to Saleh's house. The walls are bare concrete blocks, and his
mother, a former leftwing revolutionary, is sitting in the courtyard
peeling potatoes. A hijab is tightly wrapped round her head.

Saleh's room tells the story of all the revolutions and defeats in the
Middle East. It is tiny - three by two metres.

There is a small bronze bust of Lenin, a red flag, a picture of Che
Guevara and two portraits of Hassan Nasrallah, the head of the Shia
Islamic group Hizbullah.

It might be surprising that a secular leftist could be so enamoured of
a religious party such as Hizbullah, but this is common throughout
Lebanon and the Middle East. "He is our hero now," he says, pointing
at the cleric with his black turban and bushy beard.

Saleh's journey is explained to me a few days later when I meet
another Palestinian in Beirut, a fighter in his 50s and a hard-core
Marxist, his face is lined with wrinkles. "I have never lost my
political compass," he says. "Wherever the Americans and the Israelis
are, I am on the other side. So if Hizbullah and the Iranians and the
Islamists are against the Americans now, so I am an Islamist."

Is this another reason why the Islamists are doing so well? I ask Abu
Obaida, another leader of jihadists Usbat al-Ansar. "All the other
movements have proved their failure," he says. "The secularists,
nationalists and the communists they have all failed, the hypocrisy of
their rhetoric has been exposed."

In the office of a secular faction, a senior official tried to explain
it better.

"We have young men who have nothing, no hope of a nation, no hope for
the right of refugees to return, nothing but the two streets of the
camp. With this situation I wouldn't be surprised if half the camp
becomes jihadis. Ain al-Hilweh, this is your perfect Failed State."
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 12, 2007 7:35 pm    Post subject: University tenure denied... Reply with quote

Cant even get tenure in the land of the free and the home of the
brave.

If everyone is like Finklestein in the USA which they are even mild
criticisms of israel get you in this position.

What hope does Ahmejinhadad have with his views?
None whatsoever.


University denies tenure to outspoken Holocaust academic

· Political scientist loses bid after four to three vote
· Rancour lives on in Jewish and academic worlds

Read the letter to Mr Finkelstein here (pdf)

Ed Pilkington in New York
Tuesday June 12, 2007
The Guardian

One of the most rancorous disputes in American academia has ended with
a prominent political scientist with controversial views on Israel and
anti-semitism being denied tenure at one of the country's top 10
private universities.

Norman Finkelstein, author of The Holocaust Industry, now has less
than a year remaining on his contract with the political sciences
department of DePaul University in Chicago. He lost his bid for a
lifelong post after a four to three vote of the promotions and tenure
board.

Article continues
The decision came at the end of several months of wrangling, both
within the Catholic university and within the wider academic and
Jewish communities in the US. Mr Finkelstein has argued in his books
that claims of anti-semitism are used to dampen down criticism of
Israeli policy towards the Palestinians and that the Holocaust is
exploited by some Jewish institutions for their own gain.

His position as a Jewish intellectual critical of Israel and of some
elites within the Jewish community has prompted passionate debate on
both sides.

Intellectuals such as the prolific writer Noam Chomsky and the Oxford
historian Avi Shlaim have spoken out in Mr Finkelstein's favour, but
others have decried him in equal measure as giving succour to anti-
semitism. His most bitter opponent is Alan Dershowitz, a Harvard law
professor, who campaigned heavily to prevent tenure being granted.
Soon after Mr Finkelstein applied for it, Mr Dershowitz sent DePaul
faculty members a dossier of what he categorised as the "most
egregious academic sins, outright lies, misquotations, and
distortions" of the political scientist.

The dispute has roots that go deeper still, with Mr Finkelstein
devoting much of his most recent book, Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse
of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History to an attack on Mr
Dershowitz's own work, the Case for Israel. Mr Dershowitz threatened
to sue.

Mr Finkelstein, the son of Holocaust survivors, has responded to the
decision to, in effect, sack him from his job at DePaul by condemning
the vote as an act of political aggression. "I met the standards of
tenure DePaul required, but it wasn't enough to overcome the political
opposition to my speaking out on the Israel-Palestine conflict."

He told the Chicago Sun-Times: "They can deny me tenure, deny me the
right to teach. But they will never stop me from saying what I
believe."

On his website, he has posted letters of support from students and
alumni of DePaul. Mr Finkelstein's own department of political science
lobbied in favour of tenure, but he was opposed by the Dean of the
College of Liberal Arts and Sciences.

DePaul is the largest Catholic university in the US. It employs more
than 800 full-time faculty members.

The president of the university, the Rev Dennis Holtschneider, who
made the final decision, put out a statement explaining why he
endorsed the rejection of tenure - a decision that normally remains
private under academic protocol. He said: "Some will consider this
decision in the context of academic freedom. In fact, academic freedom
is alive and well at DePaul."

The president also made clear reference to the Finkelstein-Dershowitz
fisticuffs, saying there had been considerable outside debate. "This
attention was unwelcome and inappropriate and had no impact on either
the process or the outcome of this case."

Mr Chomsky said before the announcement that the dispute was
"outrageous. [Finkelstein] is an outstanding scholar. It's amazing
that he hasn't had full professorship a long time ago."
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 12, 2007 8:06 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

I read about this today.

Norman Finkelstein's website is here: http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/

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PostPosted: Sun Jul 06, 2008 12:13 am    Post subject: 'We Muslims are the new Jews' says MP Reply with quote

'We Muslims are the new Jews' says MP who has been victim of a hit-and-run and a firebomb attack

By Steve Doughty
Last updated at 12:22 AM on 04th July 2008

Muslim leader and Dewsbury MP Shahid Malik feels Muslims are an easy target for Islamophobia

Muslims have become the target of prejudice in the way Jews were once persecuted, a minister declared yesterday.

Shahid Malik, an international development minister, said he did not intend any comparison with the Nazi Holocaust.

But he added: 'In the way that it was and still is in some parts, almost legitimate to target Jews, many Muslims would say we feel the exact same way - that somehow there is a message out there that it is OK to target people as long as they are Muslims.'

The complaint by the Dewsbury MP will carry added weight because Mr Malik is regarded as one of the most measured of Muslim leaders, regularly attacking Islamist extremism and suggesting that those who want to live under sharia law could emigrate to do it.

But he added that many feel it legitimate to pick on Muslims 'and you don't have to worry about the facts... people will turn a blind eye.'

The Burnley-born MP, interviewed for Channel 4's Dispatches programme by Mail writer Peter Oborne, told how his car has been firebombed in a petrol station and he receives regular hate mail.

He said: 'I have been the victim of Islamophobia and hatred on many occasions. My family car from years ago was firebombed. Somebody did a hit-and-run while I was walking in a petrol station some years ago.

'They saw me, they went for me, they caught my leg. I, fortunately, was not seriously injured but the CCTV wasn't working and so we were not able to apprehend individuals.'

Exaggerated stories about high-handed behaviour by Muslims are having a damaging effect and hampering the fight against extremism, added 40-year-old Mr Malik.

He cited a newspaper account which said a hospital had been told to turn beds with Muslim patients towards Mecca five times a day and dying Muslims might be asked if they wished to face Mecca.

'That makes Muslims feel like aliens in their own country and, at a time when we want to engage with Muslims, actually the opposite happens,' he added.........
http://www.mailonsunday.co.uk/news/article-1031697/We-Muslims-new-Jews -says-MP-victim-hit-run-firebomb-attack.html?ITO=1490

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Alexander
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 06, 2008 7:11 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Messianic Jews say they are persecuted in Israel.....

Quote:
TEL AVIV, Israel -- Safety pins and screws are still lodged in 15-year-old Ami Ortiz's body three months after he opened a booby-trapped gift basket sent to his family. The explosion severed two toes, damaged his hearing and harmed a promising basketball career.

Police say they are still searching for the assailants. But to the Ortiz family the motive of the attackers is clear: The Ortizes are Jews who believe that Jesus was the Messiah.

Israel's tiny community of Messianic Jews, a mixed group of 10,000 people who include the California-based Jews for Jesus, complains of threats, harassment and police indifference.

The March 20 bombing was the worst incident so far. In October, a mysterious fire damaged a Jerusalem church used by Messianic Jews, and last month ultra-Orthodox Jews torched a stack of Christian holy books distributed by missionaries.



The "Christian holy books" means Bibles I suspect.

Maybe Messianic Jews are the "new Jews" too.

http://whtt.org/index.php?news=2&id=2390
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 06, 2008 9:40 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

This is a sea change - make no mistake that the UK is getting the measure of the NWO. Possibly hence this weird stuff at the JIC
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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Thu Sep 04, 2008 11:29 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Channel 4 Interview with Dr Abdul Wahid & Shahid Malik

Link

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ggz4jvUsvN8

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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Thu Feb 25, 2010 6:16 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

This tide of anti-Muslim hatred is a threat to us allThe attempt to drive Islamists and young Asian activists out of the political mainstream is a dangerous folly
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/feb/25/anti-muslim -hatred-threat-to-all
Seumas Milne - The Guardian, Thursday 25 February 2010
If young British Muslims had any doubts that they are singled out for special treatment in the land of their birth, the punishments being meted out to those who took part in last year's London demonstrations against Israel's war on Gaza will have dispelled them. The protests near the Israeli ­embassy at the height of the onslaught were angry: bottles and stones were thrown, a ­Starbucks was trashed and the police employed unusually violent tactics, even by the standards of other recent confrontations, such as the G20 protests.
But a year later, it turns out that it's the sentences that are truly exceptional. Of 119 people arrested, 78 have been charged, all but two of them young ­Muslims (most between the ages of 16 and 19), according to Manchester University's Joanna Gilmore, even though such figures in no way reflect the mix of those who took part. In the past few weeks, 15 have been convicted, mostly of violent disorder, and jailed for between eight months and two-and-a-half years – ­having switched to guilty pleas to avoid heavier terms. Another nine are up to be sentenced tomorrow.
The severity of the charges and sentencing goes far beyond the official response to any other recent anti-war demonstration, or even the violent stop the City protests a decade ago. So do the arrests, many of them carried out months after the event in dawn raids by dozens of police officers, who smashed down doors and handcuffed family members as if they were suspected terrorists. Naturally, none of the more than 30 complaints about police ­violence were upheld, even where video ­evidence was available.
Nothing quite like this has happened, in fact, since 2001, when young Asian Muslims rioted against extreme rightwing racist groups in Bradford and other northern English towns and were subjected to heavily disproportionate prison terms. In the Gaza protest cases, the judge has explicitly relied on the Bradford precedent and repeatedly stated that the sentences he is handing down are intended as a deterrent.
For many in the Muslim community, the point will be clear: not only that these are political sentences, but that different rules apply to Muslims, who take part in democratic protest at their peril. It's a dangerous message, especially given the threat from a tiny minority that is drawn towards indiscriminate violence in response to Britain's wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and rejects any truck with mainstream politics..........

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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Sat Jul 07, 2012 11:50 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Imagine if there had been 'terror raids' on Jewish homes near the Olympics site and those people had been fitted up. I think you know where I'm coming from.

If you haven't read this already please do - links freemasonry, Theosophy & Nazis to help understand much better the forces behind todays Gestapo tactics in London.

Unholy Alliance: A History of Nazi Involvement with the Occult
http://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/0826414095/

"With humor, courage, an eye for irony and through humble scholarship, Levenda draws the relationship between Nazis, the Vatican, the CIA, anti-Communist organizations...a whole slough of occult societies and our own local yokels. Beginning like a good exciting spy novel in the clutches of a dangerous Nazi hideaway in Chile called Colonia Dignidad, Levenda...weaves this dangerous locale into his vast documentation and original research from many archives in a sophisticated and thrilling revelation of cults and their victims....Too complicated for Geraldo and too shocking for Oprah and too damaging to large corporate entities like ITT (which financed Allende s overthrow)....I recommend a serious reading of Peter Levenda s Unholy Alliance." Bob Rudner, Chicago Greens/Green Party USA
Product Description
This comprehensive popular history of the occult background and roots of the Nazi movement shows how the ideas of a vast international network of late 19th- and early 20th century occult groups influenced Nazi ideology, from Madame Blavatsky and Aleister Crowley to the Thule Gesellschaft, the Order of the Golden Dawn, the Order of the Eastern Temple, and the pseudoscientific expeditions to Iceland and Tibet of the Ancestral Heritage Research and Teaching Society. Nazi appropriation of the occult was a weird farrago of astrology, Freemasonry, racism rooted in occultism and popular European folklore (the Cathars, the Holy Grail, the Knights Templar, the Arthurian legends). It also traces the Nazi movements as they continued their activities after the war (the Nazi ratlines to South America, the Colony of Righteousness in Chile) or "morphed" into neo-Nazi, skinhead and satanic groups such as the Christian Identity and White Aryan Resistance movements.

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http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
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Whitehall_Bin_Men
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PostPosted: Sat Sep 01, 2012 2:56 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

We picked up on this theme last night as Gerald Celente reflected on the question of how a great country like Germany was brought to its knees by 'a two bit freak' called Adolf Hitler
http://bcfm.org.uk/2012/08/31/17/friday-drivetime-86/21045

The Tax Justice Network Roadshow comes to Bristol. British forces already for action in Syria? US Soldiers form anarchist Maryland Militia with $90k worth of assault rifles. Richard Cottrell on his new book 'Gladio, NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe, The Pentagon-Nazi-Mafia Terror Axis'. Journalism is dead as the mainstream press parrot the government line without criticism. Old Labour Oxford Economist Martin Summers returns after his August break.

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Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."
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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Fri Mar 04, 2016 1:39 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Focus on Islamist terror plots overlooks threat from far right – report
Most extensive survey yet of ‘lone actors’ in Europe warns that rightwing extremists are more lethal and much harder to detect
http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/feb/29/focus-on-islamist-terro r-plots-overlooks-threat-from-far-right-report?CMP=fb_gu

Anders Breivik, who carried out the single most deadly attack analysed by the survey – in all 77 people were killed and 242 injured.
Ben Quinn and Shiv Malik
Monday 29 February 2016 00.01 GMT

The threat from far-right terrorists is being neglected by governments and law enforcement, according to the most extensive survey yet of “lone actors” in Europe.

While Islamist plotters are given full attention, the authors of the 98-page report warn that in comparison, individuals and small groups of rightwing extremists in the mould of Norway’s Anders Breivik are in fact more lethal, almost as numerous, and much harder to detect by security services.

Britain leads any other European country for the sheer number of attacks or plots over the past 15 years that have been planned by individuals or self-starting cells, according to the analysis conducted jointly by four research institutes.

It also finds that almost half of rightwing attacks in Britain over recent years were partly motivated by the murder of Lee Rigby – a wave of violence that ranges from arson attacks through to bombings of Islamic centres.

Analysing 31 European countries, researchers found there had been 124 individuals involved in 98 attacks or plots over a 15-year period.

After the UK’s 38 planned attacks, France came second with 11. Germany and Sweden both had five. The report’s authors concluded that while such attacks have been rare in Europe – 10 countries had no documented attacks in 15 years – there has been an increase in the frequency of attacks after 2011.

High profile perpetrators in the UK include Lee Rigby’s killers: Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale. Others include Pavlo Lapshyn, a white supremacist terrorist who stabbed a Muslim grandfather to death and bombed mosques in an effort to trigger a racial war.

Lapshyn’s bombing campaign started after the murder of Rigby, with his final explosive detonating weeks later on the day of the soldier’s funeral – although police have said they do not believe he was motivated by the murder in London.

The joint report by experts from Royal United Services Institute, Chatham House, the Institute for Strategic Dialogue and the University of Leiden in the Netherlands deemed such attacks “lone” even if they involved up to three people, as long as the individual or group was acting without either an order to act from outside or “direct support in the planning, preparation and execution of the attack”.

Out of the 124 perpetrators in the database, 38% were religiously inspired and 33% were branded right-wing extremists. The authors of the report said they were surprised by the finding, given the focus on Islamic extremism.

“Given the intense public focus on religiously inspired terrorism, the finding that rightwing extremists account for a similar proportion of perpetrators within the database is particularly significant.”

Melanie Smith, one of the co-authors of the report, said that the researchers were surprised at the high proportion of far-right, lone-actor terrorists recorded across Europe. This perception might also explain the allocation of resources by authorities.

“When we looked into where resources were going, it became clear that actually the vast majority were going to looking for religiously inspired terrorists … which kind of made sense to us because that’s what we were expecting too, but that’s not the case,” she added.

By European standards, she said the relatively high number of far-right attacks in the UK could be due to the ease of collecting data, but also due to inspiration by some organisations.

Analysts also identified distinctive differences in the profile of far-right perpetrators and their religiously motivated counterparts, who include self-styled jihadis.

Rightwing perpetrators – those who were motivated by an “emphasis on immigration policy, a wish to inspire patriotism and to defend their country from what they term ‘Islamisation’” – tended to be older: the majority of them were about 40 years old. They were also more likely to be socially isolated.

Plotters and attackers from the religiously-inspired cohort were far younger – most often less than twenty-five years old – as well as being less socially isolated. They tended to have the lowest indication of mental health issues.

From the 72 successfully launched attacks within the database, religiously inspired attacks caused only 8% of deaths. By contrast, rightwing terror attacks accounted for fewer executed attacks in total but just under half of deaths.

“The most frequent targets were civilians, in particular ethnic and religious minorities, asylum seekers and immigrants. A large majority of religious targets were Muslim,” the report found.

The single most deadly attack in the set was carried out by rightwing anti-Islamist fanatic Anders Breivik. On 22 July 2011, Breivik detonated explosive devices targeting government buildings in Oslo’s city centre, then made his way to a summer camp on the island of Utøya, where leftwing youth were having their annual retreat. Dressed as a policeman, Breivik then set about gunning down as many teenagers as possible. In all 77 people were killed and 242 injured.

Yet despite the horror of that day researchers found that just over three-quarters of attacks failed to cause any fatalities, and 58% caused no injuries.

“While lone-actor terrorist attacks can be devastating, a high proportion of plots fail to materialise in this manner,” the authors said.

The challenge to the security services in Britain and elsewhere was also underlined by a lack of discerning or “typical” traits of lone-actor terrorists, who often evaded the “tripwires” of intelligence services and police monitoring of established terror networks. The one outstanding common feature was that 96% of the perpetrators were male.

The challenges of identifying them were apparently deepened by the fact that two-thirds of lone actors had never been active within an extremist group. At the same time, the researchers stated that far-right groups such as Pegida, which has recently launched a British wing, might provide “moral oxygen” for some violent plotters.

Adding that their research suggested a need for increased coordination among EU member states, in particular when it comes to far-right movements operating across national boundaries, the report highlighted that no far-right organisations were currently listed as terror groups.

Information sharing between states must be improved to avoid the “internationalising” of certain movements who are able to move from one state where they are banned to another where they are not.

“A concrete example of existing imbalance is the group Combat 18 and its associated Blood and Honour organisation, to which numerous lone actors across different countries in the dataset have exhibited a link,” it states, citing a movement which originated in the UK.

In terms of how plotters were detected, it found that of the religiously-inspired perpetrators that exhibited “leakage” of their intentions, 45% “leaked” to friends or family, in contrast with only 18% of leakage by rightwing perpetrators. Rightwing lone-actor terrorists were more likely to post telling indicators online, where 41% of their leakage occurred.

A key recommendation was aimed at social media companies such as Facebook and Twitter, who currently offer users the opportunity to report content posted by individuals or a page on their site.

Calling for mechanisms to be developed to give users the option of lodging reports that would identify potential lone actors, it added: “This option could perhaps read: ‘[this post] suggests this person is going to commit a violent attack.’”

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James Boswell
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PostPosted: Fri Mar 04, 2016 5:35 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Last October this same Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) invited Andriy Parubiy, co-founder of the Social-National Party of Ukraine, to appear as a guest speaker in London.

More about Paribuy's visit along with analysis of RUSI can be found here:

https://wallofcontroversy.wordpress.com/2015/10/21/as-rusi-welcomes-a- nazi-should-we-be-surprised/
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PostPosted: Thu Apr 19, 2018 6:22 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Macron Demands State Control Over Mosques' Financing Amid Fight Against Islamism
18:29 12.04.2018
https://sputniknews.com/europe/201804121063486831-macron-france-mosque -financing-islamism/

PARIS (Sputnik) - French President Emmanuel Macron said Thursday that the government would take all necessary measures to fight radical Islamism, of which include imposing control over the foreign financing of mosques.

"I met the Saudi Crown Prince [Mohammed bin Salman], and we addressed this issue. I want it so that foreign financing [of mosques] is organized under the control of the state and is transparent. I don’t want any mosques to open with backdoor financing," Macron told TF1 broadcaster.

The French president vowed to take all the necessary steps to fight Islamic fundamentalism.

"We will take all the necessary measures to fight radical Islamism … Firstly, we gave ourselves the means to close the [salafist] mosques, and we will continue doing this. Secondly, we will pursue the deportation [policy]. Thirdly, we have to clarify the rules for [mosque] financing and operation," Macron said.

On Tuesday, Macron held talks with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman during the latter’s visit to France. The two leaders discussed the ongoing crises in the Middle East and fight against terrorism.

France Subjected to Massive Islamization by Muslim Brotherhood – Activist
In October, Macron signed new counterterrorism legislation to replace the already two-year state of emergency that was initially introduced in the aftermath of the 2015 terror attacks in Paris.

In February, French Interior Minister Gerard Collomb said that three mosques were closed in the French cities of Aix-en-Provence, Sartrouville and Marseille due to their "apologetic attitude toward terrorism."

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'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.com
http://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."
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