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Thu10Aug1944 Red House Meeting, Maison Rouge, Strasbourg

 
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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Tue May 13, 2014 11:19 am    Post subject: Thu10Aug1944 Red House Meeting, Maison Rouge, Strasbourg Reply with quote

from the Martin Bormann topic

Martin Bormann Post-War Nazi 4th Reich Financial Empire
http://www.911forum.org.uk/board/viewtopic.php?t=10880

TonyGosling wrote:
Red house meeting august 10th 1944
RED HOUSE MEETING AUGUST 10TH 1944
Extracted from Martin Bormann, Nazi In Exile by Paul Manning
http://spitfirelist.com/books/martin-bormann-nazi-in-exile/

IT WAS EARLY MORNING AND THE HAZE COVERING the broad Alsatian plain was lifting to reveal glistening mountainside acres of wine grapes and the string of fortresses that dominate the hillsides and vineyard villages on the road from Colmar­fortresses old when Joan of Arc was young. A Mercedes- Benz, flying Nazi swastika and SS flags from the front bumpers, was moving at high speed through columns of German infantry marching toward Colmar from where the command car had come. A mountainous region, some of World War II’s bitterest fighting was to take place there as winter approached, once American divisions had bypassed Paris and moved through Metz into the Colmar Gap.
The staff car had left Colmar at first light for Strasbourg, carrying SS Obergruppenfuehrer Scheid, who held the rank of lieutenant general in the Waffen SS, as well as the title of Dr. Scheid, director of the industrial firm of Hermadorff & Schenburg Company. While the beauty of the rolling countryside was not lost on Dr. Scheid, his thoughts were on the meeting of important German businessmen to take place on his arrival at the Hotel Maison Rouge in Strasbourg. Reichsleiter Martin Bormann himself had ordered the conference, and although he would not physically be present he had confided to Dr. Scheid, who was to preside, “The steps to be taken as a result of this meeting will determine the postwar future of Germany.” The Reichsleiter had added, “German industry must realize that the war cannot now be won, and must take steps to prepare for a postwar commercial campaign which will in time insure the economic resurgence of Germany.” It was August 10, 1944. The Mercedes-Benz bearing SS Obergruppenfuehrer Scheid moved slowly now through the narrow streets of Strasbourg. Dr. Scheid noticed that this was a most agreeable city, one to return to after the war. It was the city where in 1792 the stirring Marsellaise was composed by Rouget de Lisle, ostensibly for the mayor’s banquet. The street signs all in French, the names of the shops all in German, were characteristic of bilingual Alsace, a land that has been disputed throughout known history, particularly since the formation of the two nations, Germany and France. After World War I, the Treaty of Versailles restored Alsace-Lorraine to France, but after the fall of France in World War II the Germans reannexed these 5,600 square miles of territory, and life went on as usual, except for the 18,000 Alsatians who had volunteered to fight for the Third Reich on the Eastern Front.
The staff car drew up before the Hotel Maison Rouge on the rue des France-Bourgeois. Dr. Scheid, briefcase in hand, entered the lobby and ascended in the elevator to the conference suite reserved for his meeting. Methodically he circled the room, greeting each of the twelve present, then took his place at the head of the conference table. Even the pads and pencils before each man had been checked; Waffen SS technicians had swept the entire room, inspecting for hidden microphones and miniature transmitters. As an additional precaution, all suites flanking the conference suite had been held unfilled, as had the floors above and below, out of bounds for the day. Lunch was to be served in the conference suite by trusted Waffen SS stewards. Those present, all thirteen of them, could be assured that the thorough precautions would safeguard them all, even the secretary who was to take the minutes, later to be typed with a copy sent by SS courier to Bormann.
A transcript of that meeting is in my possession. It is a captured German document from the files of the U.S. Treasury Department, and states who was present and what was said, as the economy of the Third Reich was projected onto a postwar profit-seeking track.
Present were Dr. Kaspar representing Krupp, Dr. Tolle representing Röchling, Dr. Sinceren representing Messerschmitt, Drs. Kopp, Vier, and Beerwanger representing Rheinmetall, Captain Haberkorn and Dr. Ruhe representing Bussing, Drs. Ellenmayer and Kardos representing Volkswagenwerk, engineers Drose, Yanchew, and Koppshem representing various factories in Posen, Poland (Drose, Yanchew, & Co., Brown-Boveri, Herkuleswerke, Buschwerke, and Stadtwerke); Dr. Meyer, an official of the German Naval Ministry in Paris; and Dr. Strossner of the Ministry of Armament, Paris.
Dr. Scheid, papers from his briefcase arranged neatly on the table before him, stated that all industrial matériel in France was to be evacuated to Germany immediately. “The battle of France is lost to Germany,” he admitted, quoting Reichsleiter Bormann as his authority, “and now the defense of the Siegfried Line (and Germany itself) is the main problem. . . . From now on, German industry must take steps in preparation for a postwar commercial campaign, with each industrial firm making new contacts and alliances with foreign firms. This must be done individually and without attracting any suspicion. However, the party and the Third Reich will stand behind every firm with permissive and financial support.” He assured those present that the frightening law of 1933 known as Treason Against the Nation, which mandated the death penalty for violation of foreign exchange regulations or concealing of foreign currency, was now null and void, on direct order of Reichsleiter Bormann.
Dr. Scheid also affirmed, “The ground must now be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war.” As an example of the kind of support that had been most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that “patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc., New York, and the Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National Tube, etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.” He also cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika Line as typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German interests abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men. Glancing at his watch, Dr. Scheid asked for comments from each of the twelve around the table. Then he adjourned the morning session for lunch.
At his signal, soldier stewards brought in a real Strasbourg lunch. On a long side table they placed plates of pâté de foie gras, matelote, noodles, sauerkraut, knuckles of ham, sausages, and onion tarts, along with bottles of Coq au Riesling from nearby wineries. Brandy and cigars were also set out and the stewards left the room, closing the doors quietly as guards stood at attention.
Following lunch, several, including Dr. Scheid, left for the Rhine and Germany, where they would spread the word among their peers in industry about the new industrial goals for the postwar years.
A smaller conference in the afternoon was presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry. It was attended only by representatives of Hecko, Krupp, and Röchling. Dr. Bosse restated Bormann’s belief that the war was all but lost, but that it would be continued by Germany until certain goals to insure the economic resurgence of Germany after the war had been achieved. He added that German industrialists must be prepared to finance the continuation of the Nazi Party, which would be forced to go underground, just as had the Maquis in France.
“From now on, the government in Berlin will allocate large sums to industrialists so that each can establish a secure postwar foundation in foreign countries. Existing financial reserves in foreign countries must be placed at the disposal of the party in order that a strong German empire can be created after defeat. It is almost immediately required,” he continued, “that the large factories in Germany establish small technical offices or research bureaus which will be absolutely independent and have no connection with the factory. These bureaus will receive plans and drawings of new weapons, as well as documents which they will need to continue their research. These special offices are to be established in large cities where security is better, although some might be formed in small villages near sources of hydroelectric power, where these party members can pretend to be studying the development of water resources for benefit of any Allied investigators.”
Dr. Bosse stressed that knowledge of these technical bureaus would be held only by a very few persons in each industry and by chiefs of the Nazi Party. Each office would have a liaison agent representing the party and its leader, Reichsleiter Bormann. “As soon as the party becomes strong enough to reestablish its control over Germany, the industrialists will be paid for their effort and cooperation by concessions and orders.”
At both morning and afternoon conferences, it was emphasized that the existing prohibition against the export of capital “is now completely withdrawn and replaced by a new Nazi policy, in which industrialists with government assistance (Bormann to be the guiding leader) will export as much of their capital as possible, capital meaning money, bonds, patents, scientists, and administrators.”
Bosse urged the industrialists to proceed immediately to get their capital outside Germany. “The freedom thus given to German industrialists further cements their relations with the party by giving them a measure of protection in future efforts at home and overseas.”
From this day, German industrial firms of all rank were to begin placing their funds­and, wherever possible, key manpower­ abroad, especially in neutral countries. Dr. Bosse advised that “two main banks can be used for the export of funds for firms who have made no prior arrangements: the Basler Handelsbank and the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich.” He also stated, “There are a number of agencies in Switzerland which for a five percent commission will buy property in Switzerland for German firms, using Swiss cloaks.”
Dr. Bosse closed the meeting, observing that “after the defeat of Germany, the Nazi Party recognizes that certain of its best known leaders will be condemned as war criminals. However, in cooperation with the industrialists, it is arranging to place its less conspicuous but most important members with various German factories as technical experts or members of its research and designing offices.”
The meeting adjourned late. As the participants left, Dr. Bosse placed a call to Martin Bormann in Berlin over SS lines. The conversation was cryptic, merely a report that all industrialists at the one-day Strasbourg conference had agreed to the new policy of “flight capital” as initiated by the Reichsleiter. With the report completed, Bormann then placed a call, to Dr. Georg von Schnitzler, member of the central committee of the I.G. Farben board of directors.
I.G. Farben had been the largest single earner of foreign exchange for Germany during the years of the Third Reich. Its operations in Germany included control of 380 companies with factories, power installations, and mines, as well as vast chemical establishments. It operated in 93 countries and the sun never set on I.G. Farben, which had a participation, both acknowledged and concealed, in over 500 firms outside Germany. They grew as the Third Reich did, and as German armies occupied each country in Europe they were followed by Farben technicians who built further factories and expanded the I.G. investment to RM (Reichsmarks) 7 billion. The Farben cartel agreements involving trade and the related use of its chemical patents also numbered over 2,000, including such major industrial concerns as Standard Oil of New Jersey (now Exxon), the Aluminum Company of America, E.I. du Font de Nemours, Ethyl Export Corporation, Imperial Chemical Industries (Great Britain), Dow Chemical Company, Rohm & Haas, Etablissments Kuhlman (France), and the Mitsui interests of Japan.
I.G. Farben was a formidable ally for Reichsleiter Bormann in his plans for the postwar economic rebirth of Germany. In a telephone conversation with Dr. von Schnitzler, Bormann asked what would the loss of factories in France and the other occupied countries mean to German industry in general and to I.G. in particular. Dr. von Schnitzler said he believed the technical dependence of these countries on I.G. would be so great that despite German defeat I.G., in one way or another, could regain its position of control of the European chemical business. “They will need the constant technical help of I.G.’s scientific laboratories as they do not own appropriate installations within themselves,” he further told Bormann, adding that he and other industrialists such as Hermann Röchling “do not think much of Hitler’s recent declaration of a scorched-earth policy for Germany. Destruction of our factories will surely inhibit Germany’s recovery in the postwar world,” he affirmed.
Bormann pondered this exchange with von Schnitzler. It was then that he determined to countermand Hitler’s order for the ruthless destruction of German industry. He was aware also that the Gauleiters, the regional political supervisors and area com- manders of the party, who reported to him as party chief, shared the same view as expressed by Dr. von Schnitzler.
However, Bormann waited nearly four weeks until the right moment came to go against Hitler’s directive. It came when Albert Speer, minister for armaments and war production, sent a teletype on September 5, 1944, to headquarters for Hitler’s attention. In this message, Speer outlined the realistic reasons why industrial plants should not be destroyed; Bormann lost no time sending this on to all the Gauleiters of Germany with his own imperative: “On behalf of the Fuehrer I herewith transmit to you a communication from Reichsminister Speer. Its provisos are to be observed strictly and unconditionally.”
Speer had commented, “Even Bormann had played along with me. He seemed to be more aware than Hitler of the fearful consequences of total devastation.” Speer also noted, in this month of September 1944, that “Hitler’s authority in the party was no longer what it had been.”
Such authority had long since passed quietly to Reichsleiter Bormann, who had succeeded in outmaneuvering all the old gang: Goering, Goebbels, Himmler, the various generals, and Speer, who was told in 1944 by Hitler always to deal directly with Bormann on all matters. As Speer put it, “I had lost for good.” He was embittered and envious, and his feelings were to color every utterance he made about the Reichsleiter. Martin Bormann was now the leader in fact of Germany.
Hitler, exhausted, drained of the charisma of the glory days of the thirties and the conquest years of the early forties, was going through the gestures of military leadership mechanically as his troops fell back on all fronts. Martin Bormann, forty-one at the fall of Berlin, and strong as a bull, was at all times at Hitler’s side, impassive and cool. His be-all and end-all was to guide Hitler, and now to make the decisions that would lead to the eventual rebirth of his country. Hitler, his intuitions at peak level despite his crumbling physical and mental health in the last year of the Third Reich, realized this and approved of it. “Bury your treasure,” he advised Bormann, “for you will need it to begin a Fourth Reich.” That is precisely what Bormann was about when he set in motion the “flight capital” scheme August 10, 1944, in Strasbourg. The treasure, the golden ring, he envisioned for the new Germany was the sophisticated distribution of national and corporate assets to safe havens throughout the neutral nations of the rest of the world.
Martin Bormann knew in his heart that the war in Europe was over when Normandy was lost. The day Hitler’s troops were defeated at the Falaise Gap was the day he ordered swing industrialists of Germany to Strasbourg to hear his plans for Germany’s future.
Society’s natural survivors, French version, who had served the Third Reich as an extension of German industry, would continue to do so in the period of postwar trials, just as they had survived the war, occupation, and liberation. These were many of the French elite, the well-born, the propertied, the titled, the experts, industrialists, businessmen, bureaucrats, bankers. On the other hand, the intellectuals, the writers, the propagandists for the Germans, and the deputies of the Third Republic were among those purged with a heavy hand. The number of Frenchmen who were part of the resistance during World War II was never large, about 2 percent of the adult population. With the liberation of France, old scores were settled: 124,750 persons were tried, 767 being executed for treason or contact with the enemy in time of war. Sentenced to prison terms were 38,000, who also endured “loss of national dignity”–disenfranchisement and ineligibility to hold public office. Even before any arrests and trials could take place, another 4,500 were shot out of hand.
Still, economic collaboration in France with the Germans had been so widespread (on all levels of society) that there had to be a realization that an entire nation could not be brought to trial. Only a few years before, there had been many a sincere and well-meaning Frenchman­as in Belgium, England, and throughout Europe­who believed National Socialism to be the wave of the future, indeed, the only hope for curing the many desperate social, political, and economic ills of the time. France, along with other occupied countries, did contribute volunteers for the fight against Russia. Then there were many other Frenchmen, the majority, who resignedly felt there was no way the Germans could be pushed back across the Rhine.



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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Tue May 13, 2014 11:25 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Revealed: The secret report that shows how the Nazis planned a Fourth Reich ...in the EU
By ADAM LEBOR - UPDATED: 22:30, 9 May 2009
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1179902/Revealed-The-secret-re port-shows-Nazis-planned-Fourth-Reich--EU.html
The paper is aged and fragile, the typewritten letters slowly fading. But US Military Intelligence report EW-Pa 128 is as chilling now as the day it was written in November 1944.
The document, also known as the Red House Report, is a detailed account of a secret meeting at the Maison Rouge Hotel in Strasbourg on August 10, 1944. There, Nazi officials ordered an elite group of German industrialists to plan for Germany's post-war recovery, prepare for the Nazis' return to power and work for a 'strong German empire'. In other words: the Fourth Reich.
Heinrich Himmler with Max Faust, engineer with I. G. Farben +1
Plotters: SS chief Heinrich Himmler with Max Faust, engineer with Nazi-backed company I. G. Farben
The three-page, closely typed report, marked 'Secret', copied to British officials and sent by air pouch to Cordell Hull, the US Secretary of State, detailed how the industrialists were to work with the Nazi Party to rebuild Germany's economy by sending money through Switzerland.
They would set up a network of secret front companies abroad. They would wait until conditions were right. And then they would take over Germany again.
The industrialists included representatives of Volkswagen, Krupp and Messerschmitt. Officials from the Navy and Ministry of Armaments were also at the meeting and, with incredible foresight, they decided together that the Fourth German Reich, unlike its predecessor, would be an economic rather than a military empire - but not just German.
The Red House Report, which was unearthed from US intelligence files, was the inspiration for my thriller The Budapest Protocol.
The book opens in 1944 as the Red Army advances on the besieged city, then jumps to the present day, during the election campaign for the first president of Europe. The European Union superstate is revealed as a front for a sinister conspiracy, one rooted in the last days of the Second World War.
But as I researched and wrote the novel, I realised that some of the Red House Report had become fact.
Nazi Germany did export massive amounts of capital through neutral countries. German businesses did set up a network of front companies abroad. The German economy did soon recover after 1945.
The Third Reich was defeated militarily, but powerful Nazi-era bankers, industrialists and civil servants, reborn as democrats, soon prospered in the new West Germany. There they worked for a new cause: European economic and political integration.
Is it possible that the Fourth Reich those Nazi industrialists foresaw has, in some part at least, come to pass?
The Red House Report was written by a French spy who was at the meeting in Strasbourg in 1944 - and it paints an extraordinary picture.
The industrialists gathered at the Maison Rouge Hotel waited expectantly as SS Obergruppenfuhrer Dr Scheid began the meeting. Scheid held one of the highest ranks in the SS, equivalent to Lieutenant General. He cut an imposing figure in his tailored grey-green uniform and high, peaked cap with silver braiding. Guards were posted outside and the room had been searched for microphones.
Auschwitz
Death camp: Auschwitz, where tens of thousands of slave labourers died working in a factory run by German firm I. G. Farben
There was a sharp intake of breath as he began to speak. German industry must realise that the war cannot be won, he declared. 'It must take steps in preparation for a post-war commercial campaign.' Such defeatist talk was treasonous - enough to earn a visit to the Gestapo's cellars, followed by a one-way trip to a concentration camp.
But Scheid had been given special licence to speak the truth – the future of the Reich was at stake. He ordered the industrialists to 'make contacts and alliances with foreign firms, but this must be done individually and without attracting any suspicion'.
The industrialists were to borrow substantial sums from foreign countries after the war.
They were especially to exploit the finances of those German firms that had already been used as fronts for economic penetration abroad, said Scheid, citing the American partners of the steel giant Krupp as well as Zeiss, Leica and the Hamburg-America Line shipping company.
But as most of the industrialists left the meeting, a handful were beckoned into another smaller gathering, presided over by Dr Bosse of the Armaments Ministry. There were secrets to be shared with the elite of the elite.
Bosse explained how, even though the Nazi Party had informed the industrialists that the war was lost, resistance against the Allies would continue until a guarantee of German unity could be obtained. He then laid out the secret three-stage strategy for the Fourth Reich.
In stage one, the industrialists were to 'prepare themselves to finance the Nazi Party, which would be forced to go underground as a Maquis', using the term for the French resistance.
Stage two would see the government allocating large sums to German industrialists to establish a 'secure post-war foundation in foreign countries', while 'existing financial reserves must be placed at the disposal of the party so that a strong German empire can be created after the defeat'.
In stage three, German businesses would set up a 'sleeper' network of agents abroad through front companies, which were to be covers for military research and intelligence, until the Nazis returned to power.
'The existence of these is to be known only by very few people in each industry and by chiefs of the Nazi Party,' Bosse announced.
'Each office will have a liaison agent with the party. As soon as the party becomes strong enough to re-establish its control over Germany, the industrialists will be paid for their effort and co-operation by concessions and orders.'
Enlarge The 1944 Red House Report

Extraordinary revelations: The 1944 Red House Report, detailing 'plans of German industrialists to engage in underground activity'
The exported funds were to be channelled through two banks in Zurich, or via agencies in Switzerland which bought property in Switzerland for German concerns, for a five per cent commission.
The Nazis had been covertly sending funds through neutral countries for years.
Swiss banks, in particular the Swiss National Bank, accepted gold looted from the treasuries of Nazi-occupied countries. They accepted assets and property titles taken from Jewish businessmen in Germany and occupied countries, and supplied the foreign currency that the Nazis needed to buy vital war materials.
Swiss economic collaboration with the Nazis had been closely monitored by Allied intelligence.
The Red House Report's author notes: 'Previously, exports of capital by German industrialists to neutral countries had to be accomplished rather surreptitiously and by means of special influence.
'Now the Nazi Party stands behind the industrialists and urges them to save themselves by getting funds outside Germany and at the same time advance the party's plans for its post-war operations.'
The order to export foreign capital was technically illegal in Nazi Germany, but by the summer of 1944 the law did not matter.
More than two months after D-Day, the Nazis were being squeezed by the Allies from the west and the Soviets from the east. Hitler had been badly wounded in an assassination attempt. The Nazi leadership was nervous, fractious and quarrelling.
During the war years the SS had built up a gigantic economic empire, based on plunder and murder, and they planned to keep it.
A meeting such as that at the Maison Rouge would need the protection of the SS, according to Dr Adam Tooze of Cambridge University, author of Wages of Destruction: The Making And Breaking Of The Nazi Economy.
He says: 'By 1944 any discussion of post-war planning was banned. It was extremely dangerous to do that in public. But the SS was thinking in the long-term. If you are trying to establish a workable coalition after the war, the only safe place to do it is under the auspices of the apparatus of terror.'
Shrewd SS leaders such as Otto Ohlendorf were already thinking ahead.
As commander of Einsatzgruppe D, which operated on the Eastern Front between 1941 and 1942, Ohlendorf was responsible for the murder of 90,000 men, women and children.
A highly educated, intelligent lawyer and economist, Ohlendorf showed great concern for the psychological welfare of his extermination squad's gunmen: he ordered that several of them should fire simultaneously at their victims, so as to avoid any feelings of personal responsibility.
By the winter of 1943 he was transferred to the Ministry of Economics. Ohlendorf's ostensible job was focusing on export trade, but his real priority was preserving the SS's massive pan-European economic empire after Germany's defeat.
Ohlendorf, who was later hanged at Nuremberg, took particular interest in the work of a German economist called Ludwig Erhard. Erhard had written a lengthy manuscript on the transition to a post-war economy after Germany's defeat. This was dangerous, especially as his name had been mentioned in connection with resistance groups.
But Ohlendorf, who was also chief of the SD, the Nazi domestic security service, protected Erhard as he agreed with his views on stabilising the post-war German economy. Ohlendorf himself was protected by Heinrich Himmler, the chief of the SS.
Ohlendorf and Erhard feared a bout of hyper-inflation, such as the one that had destroyed the German economy in the Twenties. Such a catastrophe would render the SS's economic empire almost worthless.
The two men agreed that the post-war priority was rapid monetary stabilisation through a stable currency unit, but they realised this would have to be enforced by a friendly occupying power, as no post-war German state would have enough legitimacy to introduce a currency that would have any value.
That unit would become the Deutschmark, which was introduced in 1948. It was an astonishing success and it kick-started the German economy. With a stable currency, Germany was once again an attractive trading partner.
The German industrial conglomerates could rapidly rebuild their economic empires across Europe.
War had been extraordinarily profitable for the German economy. By 1948 - despite six years of conflict, Allied bombing and post-war reparations payments - the capital stock of assets such as equipment and buildings was larger than in 1936, thanks mainly to the armaments boom.
Erhard pondered how German industry could expand its reach across the shattered European continent. The answer was through supranationalism - the voluntary surrender of national sovereignty to an international body.
Germany and France were the drivers behind the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the precursor to the European Union. The ECSC was the first supranational organisation, established in April 1951 by six European states. It created a common market for coal and steel which it regulated. This set a vital precedent for the steady erosion of national sovereignty, a process that continues today.
But before the common market could be set up, the Nazi industrialists had to be pardoned, and Nazi bankers and officials reintegrated. In 1957, John J. McCloy, the American High Commissioner for Germany, issued an amnesty for industrialists convicted of war crimes.
The two most powerful Nazi industrialists, Alfried Krupp of Krupp Industries and Friedrich Flick, whose Flick Group eventually owned a 40 per cent stake in Daimler-Benz, were released from prison after serving barely three years.
Krupp and Flick had been central figures in the Nazi economy. Their companies used slave labourers like cattle, to be worked to death.
The Krupp company soon became one of Europe's leading industrial combines.
The Flick Group also quickly built up a new pan-European business empire. Friedrich Flick remained unrepentant about his wartime record and refused to pay a single Deutschmark in compensation until his death in July 1972 at the age of 90, when he left a fortune of more than $1billion, the equivalent of £400million at the time.
'For many leading industrial figures close to the Nazi regime, Europe became a cover for pursuing German national interests after the defeat of Hitler,' says historian Dr Michael Pinto-Duschinsky, an adviser to Jewish former slave labourers.
'The continuity of the economy of Germany and the economies of post-war Europe is striking. Some of the leading figures in the Nazi economy became leading builders of the European Union.'
Numerous household names had exploited slave and forced labourers including BMW, Siemens and Volkswagen, which produced munitions and the V1 rocket.
Slave labour was an integral part of the Nazi war machine. Many concentration camps were attached to dedicated factories where company officials worked hand-in-hand with the SS officers overseeing the camps.
Like Krupp and Flick, Hermann Abs, post-war Germany's most powerful banker, had prospered in the Third Reich. Dapper, elegant and diplomatic, Abs joined the board of Deutsche Bank, Germany's biggest bank, in 1937. As the Nazi empire expanded, Deutsche Bank enthusiastically 'Aryanised' Austrian and Czechoslovak banks that were owned by Jews.
By 1942, Abs held 40 directorships, a quarter of which were in countries occupied by the Nazis. Many of these Aryanised companies used slave labour and by 1943 Deutsche Bank's wealth had quadrupled.
Abs also sat on the supervisory board of I.G. Farben, as Deutsche Bank's representative. I.G. Farben was one of Nazi Germany's most powerful companies, formed out of a union of BASF, Bayer, Hoechst and subsidiaries in the Twenties.
It was so deeply entwined with the SS and the Nazis that it ran its own slave labour camp at Auschwitz, known as Auschwitz III, where tens of thousands of Jews and other prisoners died producing artificial rubber.
When they could work no longer, or were verbraucht (used up) in the Nazis' chilling term, they were moved to Birkenau. There they were gassed using Zyklon B, the patent for which was owned by I.G. Farben.
But like all good businessmen, I.G. Farben's bosses hedged their bets.
During the war the company had financed Ludwig Erhard's research. After the war, 24 I.G. Farben executives were indicted for war crimes over Auschwitz III - but only twelve of the 24 were found guilty and sentenced to prison terms ranging from one-and-a-half to eight years. I.G. Farben got away with mass murder.
Abs was one of the most important figures in Germany's post-war reconstruction. It was largely thanks to him that, just as the Red House Report exhorted, a 'strong German empire' was indeed rebuilt, one which formed the basis of today's European Union.
Abs was put in charge of allocating Marshall Aid - reconstruction funds - to German industry. By 1948 he was effectively managing Germany's economic recovery.
Crucially, Abs was also a member of the European League for Economic Co-operation, an elite intellectual pressure group set up in 1946. The league was dedicated to the establishment of a common market, the precursor of the European Union.
Its members included industrialists and financiers and it developed policies that are strikingly familiar today - on monetary integration and common transport, energy and welfare systems.
When Konrad Adenauer, the first Chancellor of West Germany, took power in 1949, Abs was his most important financial adviser.
Behind the scenes Abs was working hard for Deutsche Bank to be allowed to reconstitute itself after decentralisation. In 1957 he succeeded and he returned to his former employer.
That same year the six members of the ECSC signed the Treaty of Rome, which set up the European Economic Community. The treaty further liberalised trade and established increasingly powerful supranational institutions including the European Parliament and European Commission.
Like Abs, Ludwig Erhard flourished in post-war Germany. Adenauer made Erhard Germany's first post-war economics minister. In 1963 Erhard succeeded Adenauer as Chancellor for three years.
But the German economic miracle – so vital to the idea of a new Europe - was built on mass murder. The number of slave and forced labourers who died while employed by German companies in the Nazi era was 2,700,000.
Some sporadic compensation payments were made but German industry agreed a conclusive, global settlement only in 2000, with a £3billion compensation fund. There was no admission of legal liability and the individual compensation was paltry.
A slave labourer would receive 15,000 Deutschmarks (about £5,000), a forced labourer 5,000 (about £1,600). Any claimant accepting the deal had to undertake not to launch any further legal action.
To put this sum of money into perspective, in 2001 Volkswagen alone made profits of £1.8billion.
Next month, 27 European Union member states vote in the biggest transnational election in history. Europe now enjoys peace and stability. Germany is a democracy, once again home to a substantial Jewish community. The Holocaust is seared into national memory.
But the Red House Report is a bridge from a sunny present to a dark past. Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's propaganda chief, once said: 'In 50 years' time nobody will think of nation states.'
For now, the nation state endures. But these three typewritten pages are a reminder that today's drive towards a European federal state is inexorably tangled up with the plans of the SS and German industrialists for a Fourth Reich - an economic rather than military imperium.
• The Budapest Protocol, Adam LeBor's thriller inspired by the Red House Report, is published by Reportage Press.


Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1179902/Revealed-The-secret-re port-shows-Nazis-planned-Fourth-Reich--EU.html



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PostPosted: Sat Jun 13, 2015 8:33 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

The “Red House” Meeting
http://www.shiftfrequency.com/david-guyatt-princes-of-plunder/

Field Marshall von Paulus

It is self evident that the same behind-the-scenes banking and industrial forces who financed Hitler’s rise to power, as well as his subsequent military build-up, would also take all necessary steps to protect their hard investments once it became clear Hitler and Germany were doomed to defeat. Clarity arrived with the devastating defeat of Field Marshall von Paulus 6thArmy Group at Stalingrad in January 1943. Any lingering doubts were erased with the Allied invasion of Normandy on 6thJune 1944. Unable to repulse the Allied D-day invasion forces back into the sea, it was clear for all to see that Hitler’s days were numbered.

Two months after the D-day landings, a secret meeting was held in an elegant hotel in Strasbourg that was aimed at securing and protecting the wealth of nazi Germany and its loyal bankers and industrialists. On the morning of 10th August 1944, SS Obergruppenfuehrer Scheid, a lieutenant-general in the Waffen SS – as well as a director of the industrial company Hermansdorff & Schenburg – arrived at the Hotel Maison Rouge set in Strasbourg’s rue des France-Bourgeois. Dr. Scheid had been sent to host the meeting by none other than Reichsleiter Martin Bormann, by then the second most powerful man in nazi Germany, after Hitler.

Bormann’s rise to power followed on from the ill-fated flight of Rudolf Hess in 1941, when he parachuted to land in Scotland to secretly meet with the Duke of Hamilton. With the loss of his friend, and his plans for creating a secret alliance with Britain to fight Russia in tatters, Hitler had heaped all of Hess’ duties and responsibilities on to the broad bull-like shoulders of Bormann – with the exception of the office of deputy fuehrer, which Hitler abolished. This included Bormann taking over control of the AO.

In sending Dr. Scheid to Strasbourg, Bormann had confided in him that: “the steps to be taken as a result of this meeting will determine the post-war future of Germany,” adding that the plan was to insure an eventual “economic resurgence of Germany.” [17] Present at the meeting, in addition to Dr. Scheid, were representatives of Krupp, Messerschmitt, Rheinmetall, Bussing, Volkswagenwerk, engineers representing various factories in Posen, Poland – including Brown-Boveri – an important part of the German electrical industry that was part owned by two American companies – General Electric and International Telephone & Telegraph. Today, Brown Boveri has grown into a massive multinational corporation employing almost 200,000 staff worldwide and still maintains it close contacts with the US. Prior to his appointment as George W Bush’s Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld was on its board of directors. [18]

Bormann’s direction was that the industrialists should forge new contacts and alliances with foreign firms, as well as strengthening those already established. This should be done without attracting suspicion. Equally important was the capital flight programme of state and corporate assets to safe havens through the world, which Bormann ordered. Thus began Operation Eagle’s Flight. Critically, Bormann believed he needed nine months to fully complete the planned capital flight programme. [19] This meant that German forces must resist the Allies advance throughout the winter of 1944 and on until early mid May 1945. By a remarkable twist of fate, the war in Europe ended on 8th May 1945, two days short of Bormann’s estimate.

http://www.shiftfrequency.com/david-guyatt-princes-of-plunder/

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PostPosted: Fri Aug 21, 2015 10:58 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Official Narrative
This meeting doesn't figure in official histories of World War II.

Red House Report
This secret meeting is known to exist as a result of the "Red House Report", a closely typed 3 page summary of the discussion carried out on August 10, 1944. It was was written by a French spy who was at the meeting and sent to British officials and thence by air pouch to Cordell Hull, the US Secretary of State.

Schedule
Morning Conference
The main conference was held in the morning.

Afternoon Conference
A smaller conference in the afternoon, presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry, was attended only by representatives of Hecko, Krupp, and Röchling. Dr. Bosse reiterated Bormann's belief that the war unwinnable, but that it would be sustained until certain goals to insure the later economic resurgence of Germany had been achieved. He reminded German industrialists that they must be prepared to finance the continuation of the Nazi Party, which would be forced to go underground, just as had the Maquis in France.

Policy reversal
Both conferences were reminded that Reichsleiter Martin Bormann had cancelled the 1933 Treason Against the Nation statue, which mandated the death penalty for violation of foreign exchange regulations or concealing of foreign currency, was a dead letter. Instead, the new Nazi policy was to export as much of value as possible, not only money and bonds but also patents, scientists, and administrators.

https://wikispooks.com/wiki/Red_House_meeting

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PostPosted: Tue Aug 25, 2015 11:03 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century: Wall Street and the Rise of the Fourth Reich
by Glen Yeadon
www.progressivepress.com
ISBN 0-930852-43-5
Chapter 7, Nazi Gold


To understand where the missing gold went we need to look at the German plans for a comeback.

At the centre of the plan was Martin Bormann, the Reichsleiter. Bormann rose through the ranks to party secretary, the no. 2 spot in the Nazi hierarchy. Hitler entrusted him with ensuring the Reich would be able to stage a comeback once hostilities ended. The 'Red House meeting' was the beginning of Bormann's effort to expand his plan to include industrialists and top-ranking officers. The meeting took place on orders from Bormann, who did not attend in person. The Treasury Department has a transcript of the meeting conducted by an SS agent, who told the group that all the industrial material was to be evacuated to Germany immediately because the battle for France was lost. He also assured the gathering the Treason Against The Nation law controlling foreign exchange had been repealed. At a smaller conference that afternoon, Bosse of the German armaments Ministry pointed out that the Nazi government would make huge sums available to industrialists to help secure bases in foreign countries. Bosse advised the industrialists use two main banks for the export of capital: Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich and the Basler Handelsbank. He also told the industrialists about Swiss cloaks that would buy Swiss property for a five percent commission. A month later Bormann countermanded Hitler's 'scorched earth' policy, to preserve Germany's industrial base.

Bormann knew the Nazis had lost the war once the Allies landed in Normandy on D-Day. He gave himself nine months to launch his flight capital programme to find a safe haven for the Nazis' liquid assets. The Alsace-Lorraine area served as a microcosm for his plans. Gemans owned controlling interests in many of the French banks in the area. a German majority ownership also controlled many of the factories. Bormann relied on 'Tarnung' (cloaking or camoflage, see chapter 3) to hide German corporate interests. Bormann was a close friend of Schmitz, a director of IG Farben, and he studied IG's method of Tarnung extensively. Bormann sorted his records and then shipped them to Argentina via Spain. Already having control of the Auslands-Organisation and IG Verbindungsmanner, he began with the capital flight. Both organisations places spies in foreign countries disguised as technicians and directors of German corporations.

By the time the Battle of the Bulge raged, Bormann had successfully moves assets out of Germany.

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PostPosted: Tue Sep 01, 2015 12:34 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

The train that got away?
One of Martin Bormann's shipments that went astray Surprised

Nazi 'gold train': Fire engulfs suspected location of vehicle in Poland
The train is rumoured to contain armaments and valuables
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/nazi-gold-train-fire-en gulfs-suspected-location-of-vehicle-10480323.html

By KASHMIRA GANDER Monday 31 August 2015
The mystery of a Nazi gold train said to be buried in Poland has taken another strange turn, after the location where the armoured train is believed to be hidden was engulfed in flames - after the Polish government cast doubt over its existence.
The train has caught the imagination of locals in the town of Walbrzych and the international media alike, after two men told the authorities they had pinpointed the location of the train.
The vehicle is thought to be packed with armaments and valuables, that reportedly went missing in the spring of 1945 in the final days of WWII.
But despite the efforts of the authorities and treasure hunters, only rusty pieces of metal have so far been retrieved.
In the latest twist in the tale, the embankment by the of Wroclaw-Walbrzych train line in the southern- Polish town, which is thought to be the secret location of the train, went up in flames along with 216 square yards of forest and bush, The Telegraph reported.
The city of Walbrzych, Poland, near which a Nazi gold train is believed to be hidden. (Image: AP) The city of Walbrzych, Poland, near which a Nazi gold train is believed to be hidden. (Image: AP)

A team of firefighters have brought the blaze under control with five fire trucks, after they were alerted to a fire at around 8pm on Sunday night.
Fire officers have said that the blaze was not an arson attack.
The fire comes as Polish authorities have said evidence that the train exists is “no stronger than similar claims made in past decades,” according to Bloomberg.
The tentative statement comes days after Poland’s culture minister, Piotr Zuchowski, claimed that he was “more than 99 per cent certain the train exists” after seeing its outline on an image from a ground-penetrating device.
Responding to the feverish civilian search operations sparked by the recent reports, the Polish authorities have blocked off and launched patrols in a wooded area near a railroad track, to stop treasure hunters and prevent any accidents.
Read more:
Nazi 'gold train' treasure could be claimed by Russia
'Train' location 'revealed in deathbed confession'
Nazi 'gold train' could be booby-trapped, Polish officials warn
Nazi gold train: 'Significant' discovery made in Poland

“A few hectares (acres) of land are now being secured. People have been barred from the woods” surrounding the site, said provincial governor Tomasz Smolarz.
“Half of Walbrzych's residents and other people are going treasure hunting or just for walks to see the site. We are worried for their security,” police spokeswoman Magdalena Koroscik told The Associated Press. People walking down the tracks can't escape “a train that emerges from behind the rocks at 70 kph (43 mph).”
A man taking a selfie on the tracks reportedly narrowly missed being hit, she said.

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PostPosted: Sat Sep 12, 2015 12:22 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

German Panzer Banks Crush Greece, Washington Winces
Finian CUNNINGHAM | 18.07.2015 | 00:00
http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2015/07/18/german-panzer-banks-c rush-greece-washington-winces.html

The German paymaster of Europe has subjugated Greece with breathtaking ruthlessness. In 1941, Nazi Germany crushed Greece with its Panzer tanks. Today, without firing a shot, Germany’s Panzer banks have accomplished the same, turning the country into a de facto German «protectorate» whose national assets and sovereignty are being turned over by Berlin’s financial dictate.

Far from being all quiet on the «southern front», the Greek government is now facing a revolt within its own ranks as the country’s parliament absorbs Berlin’s shock attack on its economy and sovereignty. France, Italy and other highly indebted southern eurozone countries are also reeling from German financial tyranny. The reverberations are shaking the entire edifice of the EU and its supposed values of European equality and solidarity».

Washington is far less concerned by the damage to European values than by the opening up of deep political rifts between EU capitals, which could then undermine the architecture of its hegemony in Europe and toward Russia.

When the financial bailout «agreement» was reached after tortuous negotiations last weekend, European Union leaders tried their best to make the outcome sound like a kiss-and-makeup»compromise». European Council President Donald Tusk hailed it as «a typical agreement between European partners». French President Francois Hollande declared: «Europe has won!» While European Commission chief Jean-Claude Juncker gave the game away by claiming that «Greece was not humiliated».

But the sweeping austerity measures that Athens is being forced to implement in order to avail of a third bailout put at €86 billion ($95 billion) is far from a compromise. It is a capitulation by Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and his»anti-austerity» Syriza government. Some €50 billion worth of Greek public assets are to be locked up under EU creditor»trust» to be sold off at some time in the future if Athens does not implement the draconian austerity demands. By «EU creditors»what is meant is German banks, which are the paymaster of Athens and much of the rest of the EU.

The Washington Post did not equivocate on the brutal terms, although it disguised Berlin’s sinister role with the catch-all euphemism of «European leaders». It reported: «Greece acquiesced early Monday to a punishing ultimatum from European leaders, agreeing to a lighting-fast passage of reforms and a pledge to strap itself into a fiscal straight-jacket to save its banks and stay in the euro». The report added that «a financial gun had been held to Greece’s head».

Reuters pointedly reported that Greece had «surrendered». «Eurozone leaders made Greece surrender much of its sovereignty to outside supervision on Monday in return for agreeing to talks on an 86 billion euros bailout to keep the near-bankrupt country in the single currency».

In a second Washington Post article, the headline betrays American misgivings about Berlin’s terms. «Germany doesn’t want to save Greece. It seems to want to humiliate Greece».

As the dust settles over Germany’s de facto take over of Greece’s sovereignty, Washington is now fighting a rearguard action to try to mitigate the terms of the surrender. The Washington-dominated International Monetary Fund (IMF) has renewed its calls for debt restructuring for Athens. «The IMF is calling for much greater debt relief for Greece than what EU countries are willing to give so far,» reported France 24, while the BBC headlined: «IMF attacks EU over [Greece] bailout terms». Again, the euphemism of «EU leaders» is being invoked, when the unspoken specific target for Washington’s admonition is Berlin.

What has the United States alarmed is the geopolitical fallout from the Greek crisis. Explicitly, the US is worried that the debacle driven by Germany’s hardline financial dictate could result in Greece crashing out of the EU. That in turn could lead to a wider melt down of the 28-member bloc and the unravelling of Washington’s anti-Russia project. That project is dependent on a cohesive EU implementing US-led trade and diplomatic sanctions against Moscow, as well as serving as a platform for American-led aggression toward Russia under the guise of the NATO military alliance.

As noted in an earlier column, in the days before the latest bailout «agreement», Washington made a strenuous intervention to urge Germany to soften its demands on Greece. US Treasury Secretary Jack Lew and IMF chief Christine Lagarde both called on Berlin to afford debt restructuring for Greece, that is, a substantial write-off of Greece’s $350 billion debt – most of which is held by Berlin.

Notably, too, the British government, which serves as a mouthpiece for Washington in Europe, was also appealing to Berlin to soften its policy on Greek finances – this at the same time that Britain’s Chancellor George Osborne was unveiling swingeing public spending cuts on his own population. Hardly concern from London then for Greek poverty, and more likely a dutiful geopolitical message on behalf of Washington.

Washington’s appeals to Berlin fell on deaf ears, which as noted, pushed on for a financial scorched-earth surrender by Athens. German Chancellor Angela Merkel and her powerful Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble have shown no mercy to the Athens government. Both have ruled out any debt restructuring. Merkel said of the bailout terms that Greece «faces a long tough road ahead».

But it’s not just Washington that is unnerved by Germany’s newfound truculence with regard to EU finances. Even within Germany, media reports have voiced concerns that the Berlin Chancellery’s financial dictates toward Greece are straining the foundations of the bloc. German newspaper Der Spiegel said Berlin was displaying a dangerous «hypocrisy» over its insistence on debt repayment considering the historic relief that Germany itself received over Second World War reparations.

Another German media outlet, DWN, warned that Berlin’s financial imperiousness was threatening to collapse the EU. From a translation, the newspaper said: «Angela Merkel and Wolfgang Schäuble have overnight transformed the EU into an entity that is no longer held together by trust, but only by naked fear. With the signing of the agreement with Greece the nightmare for the EU has begun. Life in Europe is no longer determined by contracts, but by the law of the jungle».

The Washington Post reported on the brewing tensions within the EU over the Greek debt negotiations in Brussels. «European leaders had seriously clashed over the deal to rescue [sic] Greece, with Germany and Finland taking a hardline and the leaders of France and Italy expressing a distinct lack of ease over the German position – worried that it was undermining the European ideal».

French Finance Minister Michel Sapin was duelling with Germany’s Wolfgang Schauble by insisting on a degree of debt forgiveness for Greece. In the end, Schauble over-ruled his French counterpart, wrenching from Athens a humiliating surrender.

But in the aftermath of Berlin’s financial conquest, the French government is now giving full-throated endorsement to Washington’s renewed call for debt relief, as articulated again this week by the IMF. We can be sure that Berlin is in no mood to make concessions over its financial dictate, which can only lead to more confrontation between it and Washington, together with Paris and Rome.

Latest Eurostat figures on country public indebtedness from show that there is a clear north-south divide in the EU on the issue of national finances. Apart from Greece, whose total public debt is running at a peak of 180 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP), France, Italy, Spain and Portugal are also seriously overloaded with respective figures of 95, 130, 97 and 130 per cent of GDP.

In contrast, the northern European countries have much lower debt levels. Poland is on 50 per cent of GDP, while Latvia, Lithuanian and Estonia have less than 40 per cent. Luxembourg, Netherlands, Finland, Denmark average a debt-to-GDP ratio of around 50 per cent, according to the Eurostat figures. Germany itself has a national debt level of 77 per cent of GDP.

This division of debt correlates with the differing policy in these capitals towards Greece. Germany’s hardline stance is matched by the relatively low-debt countries. There are structural reasons for the varying indebtedness that stem from the competitive advantages that the euro currency has bestowed on Germany’s more developed industrial and export-orientated economy.

No doubt the unease felt by France and other highly indebted EU members is that the Berlin paymaster will sooner or later come banging on their doors for repayment – and on the same draconian terms that are now being applied to Greece. That would explain why France and Italy in particular are rattled by Berlin’s financial dictate and have been calling for some slack to be shown to Athens. They feel that they could be next for Berlin’s Panzer banks and shock-troops in pinstripe suits.

On the other hand, Washington’s disquiet arises from the geopolitical backlash from a Europe that is riven with rivalries and acrimony. From Washington’s point of view, Berlin’s financial «efficiency» towards weaker EU members is a spanner in its geopolitical designs of confronting Russia. The US wants to keep Europe united, whereas Berlin’s quest is for financial aggrandisement and economic dominance in the EU, even if that means some weaker states being ejected.

Historical resonance abounds. As in Nazi Germany’s ascent in times past, Washington and its British ally will have to move decisively to derail the Berlin machine for their own selfish strategic interests with regard to Europe and Russia. In that case, we may anticipate a mounting political campaign from Washington and its London lackey aimed at taking down German might – before Paris also gets marched on by the Panzer banks.

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PostPosted: Tue Apr 12, 2016 1:56 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Here's the US intelligence report on the Red House Meeting
http://www.cuttingthroughthematrix.com/articles/Intelligence_Report_EW -Pa_128.html



US Military Intelligence report EW-Pa 128

Enclosure No. 1 to despatch No. 19,489 of Nov. 27, 1944, from
the Embassy at London, England.

S E C R E T
SUPREME HEADQUARTERS
ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE
Office of Assistant Chief of Staff, G-2
7 November 1944
INTELLIGENCE REPORT NO. EW-Pa 128


SUBJECT: Plans of German industrialists to engage in underground activity after Germany’s defeat; flow of capital to neutral countries.

SOURCE: Agent of French Deuxieme Bureau, recommended
by Commandant Zindel. This agent is regarded as
reliable and has worked for the French on German
problems since 1916. He was in close contact with
the Germans, particularly industrialists, during
the occupation of France and he visited Germany
as late as August, 1944.

1. A meeting of the principal German industrialists with
interests in France was held on August 10, 1944, in the Hotel
Rotes Haus in Strasbourg, France, and attended by the informant
indicated above as the source. Among those present
were the following:
Dr. Scheid, who presided, holding the rank of S.S.
Obergruppenfuhrer
and Director of the Heche
(Hermandorff & Schonburg) Company
Dr. Kaspar, representing Krupp
Dr. Tolle, representing Rochling
Dr. Sinderen, representing Messerschmitt
Drs. Kopp, Vier and Beerwanger, representing
Rheinmetall
Captain Haberkorn and Dr. Ruhe, representing Bussing
Drs. Ellenmayer and Kardos, representing
Volkswagenwerk
Engineers Drose, Yanchew and Koppshem, representing
various factories in Posen, Poland (Drose, Yanchew
and Co., Brown-Boveri, Herkuleswerke, Buschwerke,
and Stadtwerke)
Captain Dornbuach, head of the Industrial Inspection
Section at Posen
Dr. Meyer, an official of the German Naval Ministry in
Paris
Dr. Strossner, of the Ministry of Armament, Paris.

2. Dr. Scheid stated that all industrial material in France
was to be evacuated to Germany immediately. The battle of
France was lost for Germany and now the defense of the
Siegried Line was the main problem. From now on also
German industry must realize that the war cannot be won
and that it must take steps in preparation for a post-war commercial
campaign. Each industrialist must make contacts and
alliances with foreign firms, but this must be done individually
and without attracting any suspicion. Moreover, the ground
would have to be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable
sums from foreign countries after the war. As examples
of the kind of penetration which had been most useful in
the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that patents for stainless
steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc., New York,
and the Krupp company of Germany jointly and that the U.S.
Steel Corporation, Carnegie Illinois, American Steel and Wire,
and national Tube, etc. were thereby under an obligation to
work with the Krupp concern. He also cited the Zeiss
Company, the Leisa Company and the Hamburg-American
Line as firms which had been especially effective in protecting
German interests abroad and gave their New York addresses
to the industrialists at this meeting.

3. Following this meeting a smaller one was held presided
over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry and
attended only by representatives of Hecho, Krupp and
Rochling. At this second meeting it was stated that the Nazi
Party had informed the industrialists that the war was practically
lost but that it would continue until a guarantee of the
unity of Germany could be obtained. German industrialists
must, it was said, through their exports increase the strength
of Germany. They must also prepare themselves to finance
the Nazi Party which would be forced to go underground as
Maquis (in Gebirgaverteidigungastellen
gehen). From now on
the government would allocate large sums to industrialists so
that each could establish a secure post-war foundation in foreign
countries. Existing financial reserves in foreign countries
must be placed at the disposal of the Party so that a
strong German Empire can be created after the defeat. It is
also immediately required that the large factories in Germany
create small technical offices or research bureaus which
would be absolutely independent and have no known connection
with the factory. These bureaus will receive plans and
drawings of new weapons as well as documents which they
need to continue their research and which must not be
allowed to fall into the hands of the enemy. These offices are
to be established in large cities where they can be most successfully
hidden as well as in little villages near sources of
hydro-electric power where they can pretend to be studying
the development of water resources. The existence of these is
to be known only by very few people in each industry and by
chiefs of the Nazi Party. Each office will have a liaison agent
with the Party. As soon as the Party becomes strong enough
to re-establish its control over Germany the industrialists will
be paid for their effort and cooperation by concessions and
orders.

4. These meetings seem to indicate that the prohibition
against the export of capital which was rigorously enforced
until now has been completely withdrawn and replaced by a
new Nazi policy whereby industrialists with government
assistance will export as much of their capital as possible.
Previously exports of capital by German industrialists to
neutral countries had to be accomplished rather surreptitiously
and by means of special influence. Now the Nazi
party stands behind the industrialists and urges them to save
themselves by getting funds outside Germany and at the same
time to advance the party’s plans for its post-war operation.
This freedom given to the industrialists further cements their
relations with the Party by giving them a measure of
protection.

5. The German industrialists are not only buying agricultural
property in Germany but are placing their funds abroad,
particularly in neutral countries. Two main banks through
which this export of capital operates are the Basler Handelsbank
and the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich. Also
there are a number of agencies in Switzerland which for a
5 percent commission buy property in Switzerland, using a
Swiss cloak.

6. After the defeat of Germany the Nazi Party recognizes
that certain of its best known leaders will be condemned as
war criminals. However, in cooperation with the industrialists
it is arranging to place its less conspicuous but most important
members in positions with various German factories as
technical experts or members of its research and designing
offices.

For the A.C. of S., G-2.
WALTER K. SCHWINN
G-2, Economic Section
Prepared by
MELVIN M. FAGEN
Distribution:
Same as EW-Pa 1,
U.S. Political Adviser, SHAEF
British Political Adviser, SHAEF

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PostPosted: Mon Jan 22, 2018 8:58 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

G.L-W.: Documents, Treaties, Acts & Essays
The RED HOUSE REPORT 07-Nov-1944

Greg Lance - Watkins (Greg_L-W)
73 years ago
The RED HOUSE REPORT 07-Nov-1944
https://www.google.co.uk/amp/s/glwdocuments.wordpress.com/1944/11/27/t he-red-house-report-07-nov-1944/amp/

US Military Intelligence report EW-Pa 128

Enclosure No. 1 to despatch No. 19,489 of Nov. 27, 1944, from
the Embassy at London, England.

S E C R E T
SUPREME HEADQUARTERS
ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE
Office of Assistant Chief of Staff, G-2
7 November 1944
INTELLIGENCE REPORT NO. EW-Pa 128




SUBJECT:



Plans of German industrialists to engage in underground activity after Germany’s defeat; flow of capital to neutral countries.

SOURCE:



Agent of French Deuxieme Bureau, recommended by Commandant Zindel.
This agent is regarded as reliable and has worked for the French on German problems since 1916.
He was in close contact with the Germans, particularly industrialists, during the occupation of France and he visited Germany as late as August, 1944.

1.
A meeting of the principal German industrialists with interests in France was held on August 10, 1944, in the Hotel Rotes Haus in Strasbourg, France, and attended by the informant indicated above as the source.

Among those present were the following:

Dr. Scheid, who presided, holding the rank of S.S. Obergruppenfuhrer and Director of the Heche (Hermandorff & Schonburg) Company

Dr. Kaspar, representing Krupp

Dr. Tolle, representing Rochling

Dr. Sinderen, representing Messerschmitt

Drs. Kopp, Vier and Beerwanger, representing Rheinmetall

Captain Haberkorn and Dr. Ruhe, representing Bussing

Drs. Ellenmayer and Kardos, representing Volkswagenwerk

Engineers Drose, Yanchew and Koppshem, representing various factories in Posen, Poland (Drose, Yanchew and Co., Brown-Boveri, Herkuleswerke, Buschwerke, and Stadtwerke)

Captain Dornbuach, head of the Industrial Inspection Section at Posen

Dr. Meyer, an official of the German Naval Ministry in Paris

Dr. Strossner, of the Ministry of Armament, Paris.





2.



Dr. Scheid stated that all industrial material in France was to be evacuated to Germany immediately. The battle of France was lost for Germany and now the defense of the Siegried Line was the main problem. From now on also German industry must realize that the war cannot be won and that it must take steps in preparation for a post-war commercial campaign. Each industrialist must make contacts and alliances with foreign firms, but this must be done individually and without attracting any suspicion. Moreover, the ground would have to be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war. As examples of the kind of penetration which had been most useful in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc., New York,
and the Krupp company of Germany jointly and that the U.S.
Steel Corporation, Carnegie Illinois, American Steel and Wire,
and national Tube, etc. were thereby under an obligation to
work with the Krupp concern. He also cited the Zeiss
Company, the Leisa Company and the Hamburg-American
Line as firms which had been especially effective in protecting
German interests abroad and gave their New York addresses to the industrialists at this meeting.

3.



Following this meeting a smaller one was held presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry and attended only by representatives of Hecho, Krupp and Rochling. At this second meeting it was stated that the Nazi Party had informed the industrialists that the war was practically lost but that it would continue until a guarantee of the unity of Germany could be obtained. German industrialists must, it was said, through their exports increase the strength of Germany. They must also prepare themselves to finance the Nazi Party which would be forced to go underground as Maquis (in Gebirgaverteidigungastellen gehen). From now on the government would allocate large sums to industrialists so that each could establish a secure post-war foundation in foreign countries. Existing financial reserves in foreign countries must be placed at the disposal of the Party so that a strong German Empire can be created after the defeat. It is also immediately required that the large factories in Germany create small technical offices or research bureaus which would be absolutely independent and have no known connection with the factory. These bureaus will receive plans and drawings of new weapons as well as documents which they need to continue their research and which must not be allowed to fall into the hands of the enemy. These offices are to be established in large cities where they can be most successfully hidden as well as in little villages near sources of hydro-electric power where they can pretend to be studying the development of water resources. The existence of these is to be known only by very few people in each industry and by chiefs of the Nazi Party. Each office will have a liaison agent with the Party. As soon as the Party becomes strong enough to re-establish its control over Germany the industrialists will be paid for their effort and cooperation by concessions and orders.

4.



These meetings seem to indicate that the prohibition against the export of capital which was rigorously enforced until now has been completely withdrawn and replaced by a new Nazi policy whereby industrialists with government assistance will export as much of their capital as possible.
Previously exports of capital by German industrialists to neutral countries had to be accomplished rather surreptitiously and by means of special influence. Now the Nazi party stands behind the industrialists and urges them to save themselves by getting funds outside Germany and at the same time to advance the party’s plans for its post-war operation.
This freedom given to the industrialists further cements their relations with the Party by giving them a measure of protection.

5.



The German industrialists are not only buying agricultural property in Germany but are placing their funds abroad,
particularly in neutral countries. Two main banks through which this export of capital operates are the Basler Handelsbank
and the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich. Also there are a number of agencies in Switzerland which for a 5 percent commission buy property in Switzerland, using a Swiss cloak.

6.



After the defeat of Germany the Nazi Party recognizes that certain of its best known leaders will be condemned as war criminals. However, in cooperation with the industrialists it is arranging to place its less conspicuous but most important members in positions with various German factories as technical experts or members of its research and designing offices.




For the A.C. of S., G-2.
WALTER K. SCHWINN
G-2, Economic Section
Prepared by
MELVIN M. FAGEN
Distribution:
Same as EW-Pa 1,
U.S. Political Adviser, SHAEF
British Political Adviser, SHAEF



Here is what The Daily Mail said of The Red House Report 09-May-2009, but NOTE the statement is ‘How the Nazis planned a Fourth Reich …in the EU”, firstly the point is A Fourth Reich and not THE Fourth Reich also there was no EU at the time so for EU it would seem more apposite to say Europe!

It is all too easy to build conspiracy THEORIES when there are more than enough conspiracy facts available!:

Revealed: The secret report that shows how the Nazis planned a Fourth Reich …in the EU

By Adam Lebor

The paper is aged and fragile, the typewritten letters slowly fading. But US Military Intelligence report EW-Pa 128 is as chilling now as the day it was written in November 1944.

The document, also known as the Red House Report, is a detailed account of a secret meeting at the Maison Rouge Hotel in Strasbourg on August 10, 1944. There, Nazi officials ordered an elite group of German industrialists to plan for Germany’s post-war recovery, prepare for the Nazis’ return to power and work for a ‘strong German empire’. In other words: the Fourth Reich.

Plotters: SS chief Heinrich Himmler with Max Faust, engineer with Nazi-backed company I. G. Farben

The three-page, closely typed report, marked ‘Secret’, copied to British officials and sent by air pouch to Cordell Hull, the US Secretary of State, detailed how the industrialists were to work with the Nazi Party to rebuild Germany’s economy by sending money through Switzerland.

They would set up a network of secret front companies abroad. They would wait until conditions were right. And then they would take over Germany again.

The industrialists included representatives of Volkswagen, Krupp and Messerschmitt. Officials from the Navy and Ministry of Armaments were also at the meeting and, with incredible foresight, they decided together that the Fourth German Reich, unlike its predecessor, would be an economic rather than a military empire – but not just German.

The Red House Report, which was unearthed from US intelligence files, was the inspiration for my thriller The Budapest Protocol.

The book opens in 1944 as the Red Army advances on the besieged city, then jumps to the present day, during the election campaign for the first president of Europe. The European Union superstate is revealed as a front for a sinister conspiracy, one rooted in the last days of the Second World War.

But as I researched and wrote the novel, I realised that some of the Red House Report had become fact.

Nazi Germany did export massive amounts of capital through neutral countries. German businesses did set up a network of front companies abroad. The German economy did soon recover after 1945.

The Third Reich was defeated militarily, but powerful Nazi-era bankers, industrialists and civil servants, reborn as democrats, soon prospered in the new West Germany. There they worked for a new cause: European economic and political integration.

Is it possible that the Fourth Reich those Nazi industrialists foresaw has, in some part at least, come to pass?

The Red House Report was written by a French spy who was at the meeting in Strasbourg in 1944 – and it paints an extraordinary picture.

The industrialists gathered at the Maison Rouge Hotel waited expectantly as SS Obergruppenfuhrer Dr Scheid began the meeting. Scheid held one of the highest ranks in the SS, equivalent to Lieutenant General. He cut an imposing figure in his tailored grey-green uniform and high, peaked cap with silver braiding. Guards were posted outside and the room had been searched for microphones.

Death camp: Auschwitz, where tens of thousands of slave labourers died working in a factory run by German firm I. G. Farben

There was a sharp intake of breath as he began to speak. German industry must realise that the war cannot be won, he declared. ‘It must take steps in preparation for a post-war commercial campaign.’ Such defeatist talk was treasonous – enough to earn a visit to the Gestapo’s cellars, followed by a one-way trip to a concentration camp.

But Scheid had been given special licence to speak the truth – the future of the Reich was at stake. He ordered the industrialists to ‘make contacts and alliances with foreign firms, but this must be done individually and without attracting any suspicion’.

The industrialists were to borrow substantial sums from foreign countries after the war.

They were especially to exploit the finances of those German firms that had already been used as fronts for economic penetration abroad, said Scheid, citing the American partners of the steel giant Krupp as well as Zeiss, Leica and the Hamburg-America Line shipping company.

But as most of the industrialists left the meeting, a handful were beckoned into another smaller gathering, presided over by Dr Bosse of the Armaments Ministry. There were secrets to be shared with the elite of the elite.

Bosse explained how, even though the Nazi Party had informed the industrialists that the war was lost, resistance against the Allies would continue until a guarantee of German unity could be obtained. He then laid out the secret three-stage strategy for the Fourth Reich.

In stage one, the industrialists were to ‘prepare themselves to finance the Nazi Party, which would be forced to go underground as a Maquis’, using the term for the French resistance.

Stage two would see the government allocating large sums to German industrialists to establish a ‘secure post-war foundation in foreign countries’, while ‘existing financial reserves must be placed at the disposal of the party so that a strong German empire can be created after the defeat’.

In stage three, German businesses would set up a ‘sleeper’ network of agents abroad through front companies, which were to be covers for military research and intelligence, until the Nazis returned to power.

‘The existence of these is to be known only by very few people in each industry and by chiefs of the Nazi Party,’ Bosse announced.

‘Each office will have a liaison agent with the party. As soon as the party becomes strong enough to re-establish its control over Germany, the industrialists will be paid for their effort and co-operation by concessions and orders.’

Enlarge
Extraordinary revelations: The 1944 Red House Report, detailing ‘plans of German industrialists to engage in underground activity’

The exported funds were to be channelled through two banks in Zurich, or via agencies in Switzerland which bought property in Switzerland for German concerns, for a five per cent commission.

The Nazis had been covertly sending funds through neutral countries for years.

Swiss banks, in particular the Swiss National Bank, accepted gold looted from the treasuries of Nazi-occupied countries. They accepted assets and property titles taken from Jewish businessmen in Germany and occupied countries, and supplied the foreign currency that the Nazis needed to buy vital war materials.

Swiss economic collaboration with the Nazis had been closely monitored by Allied intelligence.

The Red House Report’s author notes: ‘Previously, exports of capital by German industrialists to neutral countries had to be accomplished rather surreptitiously and by means of special influence.

‘Now the Nazi Party stands behind the industrialists and urges them to save themselves by getting funds outside Germany and at the same time advance the party’s plans for its post-war operations.’

The order to export foreign capital was technically illegal in Nazi Germany, but by the summer of 1944 the law did not matter.

More than two months after D-Day, the Nazis were being squeezed by the Allies from the west and the Soviets from the east. Hitler had been badly wounded in an assassination attempt. The Nazi leadership was nervous, fractious and quarrelling.

During the war years the SS had built up a gigantic economic empire, based on plunder and murder, and they planned to keep it.

A meeting such as that at the Maison Rouge would need the protection of the SS, according to Dr Adam Tooze of Cambridge University, author of Wages of Destruction: The Making And Breaking Of The Nazi Economy.

He says: ‘By 1944 any discussion of post-war planning was banned. It was extremely dangerous to do that in public. But the SS was thinking in the long-term. If you are trying to establish a workable coalition after the war, the only safe place to do it is under the auspices of the apparatus of terror.’

Shrewd SS leaders such as Otto Ohlendorf were already thinking ahead.

As commander of Einsatzgruppe D, which operated on the Eastern Front between 1941 and 1942, Ohlendorf was responsible for the murder of 90,000 men, women and children.

A highly educated, intelligent lawyer and economist, Ohlendorf showed great concern for the psychological welfare of his extermination squad’s gunmen: he ordered that several of them should fire simultaneously at their victims, so as to avoid any feelings of personal responsibility.

By the winter of 1943 he was transferred to the Ministry of Economics. Ohlendorf’s ostensible job was focusing on export trade, but his real priority was preserving the SS’s massive pan-European economic empire after Germany’s defeat.

Ohlendorf, who was later hanged at Nuremberg, took particular interest in the work of a German economist called Ludwig Erhard. Erhard had written a lengthy manuscript on the transition to a post-war economy after Germany’s defeat. This was dangerous, especially as his name had been mentioned in connection with resistance groups.

But Ohlendorf, who was also chief of the SD, the Nazi domestic security service, protected Erhard as he agreed with his views on stabilising the post-war German economy. Ohlendorf himself was protected by Heinrich Himmler, the chief of the SS.

Ohlendorf and Erhard feared a bout of hyper-inflation, such as the one that had destroyed the German economy in the Twenties. Such a catastrophe would render the SS’s economic empire almost worthless.

The two men agreed that the post-war priority was rapid monetary stabilisation through a stable currency unit, but they realised this would have to be enforced by a friendly occupying power, as no post-war German state would have enough legitimacy to introduce a currency that would have any value.

That unit would become the Deutschmark, which was introduced in 1948. It was an astonishing success and it kick-started the German economy. With a stable currency, Germany was once again an attractive trading partner.

The German industrial conglomerates could rapidly rebuild their economic empires across Europe.

War had been extraordinarily profitable for the German economy. By 1948 – despite six years of conflict, Allied bombing and post-war reparations payments – the capital stock of assets such as equipment and buildings was larger than in 1936, thanks mainly to the armaments boom.

Erhard pondered how German industry could expand its reach across the shattered European continent. The answer was through supranationalism – the voluntary surrender of national sovereignty to an international body.

Germany and France were the drivers behind the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the precursor to the European Union. The ECSC was the first supranational organisation, established in April 1951 by six European states. It created a common market for coal and steel which it regulated. This set a vital precedent for the steady erosion of national sovereignty, a process that continues today.

But before the common market could be set up, the Nazi industrialists had to be pardoned, and Nazi bankers and officials reintegrated. In 1957, John J. McCloy, the American High Commissioner for Germany, issued an amnesty for industrialists convicted of war crimes.

The two most powerful Nazi industrialists, Alfried Krupp of Krupp Industries and Friedrich Flick, whose Flick Group eventually owned a 40 per cent stake in Daimler-Benz, were released from prison after serving barely three years.

Krupp and Flick had been central figures in the Nazi economy. Their companies used slave labourers like cattle, to be worked to death.

The Krupp company soon became one of Europe’s leading industrial combines.

The Flick Group also quickly built up a new pan-European business empire. Friedrich Flick remained unrepentant about his wartime record and refused to pay a single Deutschmark in compensation until his death in July 1972 at the age of 90, when he left a fortune of more than $1billion, the equivalent of £400million at the time.

‘For many leading industrial figures close to the Nazi regime, Europe became a cover for pursuing German national interests after the defeat of Hitler,’ says historian Dr Michael Pinto-Duschinsky, an adviser to Jewish former slave labourers.

‘The continuity of the economy of Germany and the economies of post-war Europe is striking. Some of the leading figures in the Nazi economy became leading builders of the European Union.’

Numerous household names had exploited slave and forced labourers including BMW, Siemens and Volkswagen, which produced munitions and the V1 rocket.

Slave labour was an integral part of the Nazi war machine. Many concentration camps were attached to dedicated factories where company officials worked hand-in-hand with the SS officers overseeing the camps.

Like Krupp and Flick, Hermann Abs, post-war Germany’s most powerful banker, had prospered in the Third Reich. Dapper, elegant and diplomatic, Abs joined the board of Deutsche Bank, Germany’s biggest bank, in 1937. As the Nazi empire expanded, Deutsche Bank enthusiastically ‘Aryanised’ Austrian and Czechoslovak banks that were owned by Jews.

By 1942, Abs held 40 directorships, a quarter of which were in countries occupied by the Nazis. Many of these Aryanised companies used slave labour and by 1943 Deutsche Bank’s wealth had quadrupled.

Abs also sat on the supervisory board of I.G. Farben, as Deutsche Bank’s representative. I.G. Farben was one of Nazi Germany’s most powerful companies, formed out of a union of BASF, Bayer, Hoechst and subsidiaries in the Twenties.

It was so deeply entwined with the SS and the Nazis that it ran its own slave labour camp at Auschwitz, known as Auschwitz III, where tens of thousands of Jews and other prisoners died producing artificial rubber.

When they could work no longer, or were verbraucht (used up) in the Nazis’ chilling term, they were moved to Birkenau. There they were gassed using Zyklon B, the patent for which was owned by I.G. Farben.

But like all good businessmen, I.G. Farben’s bosses hedged their bets.

During the war the company had financed Ludwig Erhard’s research. After the war, 24 I.G. Farben executives were indicted for war crimes over Auschwitz III – but only twelve of the 24 were found guilty and sentenced to prison terms ranging from one-and-a-half to eight years. I.G. Farben got away with mass murder.

Abs was one of the most important figures in Germany’s post-war reconstruction. It was largely thanks to him that, just as the Red House Report exhorted, a ‘strong German empire’ was indeed rebuilt, one which formed the basis of today’s European Union.

Abs was put in charge of allocating Marshall Aid – reconstruction funds – to German industry. By 1948 he was effectively managing Germany’s economic recovery.

Crucially, Abs was also a member of the European League for Economic Co-operation, an elite intellectual pressure group set up in 1946. The league was dedicated to the establishment of a common market, the precursor of the European Union.

Its members included industrialists and financiers and it developed policies that are strikingly familiar today – on monetary integration and common transport, energy and welfare systems.

When Konrad Adenauer, the first Chancellor of West Germany, took power in 1949, Abs was his most important financial adviser.

Behind the scenes Abs was working hard for Deutsche Bank to be allowed to reconstitute itself after decentralisation. In 1957 he succeeded and he returned to his former employer.

That same year the six members of the ECSC signed the Treaty of Rome, which set up the European Economic Community. The treaty further liberalised trade and established increasingly powerful supranational institutions including the European Parliament and European Commission.

Like Abs, Ludwig Erhard flourished in post-war Germany. Adenauer made Erhard Germany’s first post-war economics minister. In 1963 Erhard succeeded Adenauer as Chancellor for three years.

But the German economic miracle – so vital to the idea of a new Europe – was built on mass murder. The number of slave and forced labourers who died while employed by German companies in the Nazi era was 2,700,000.

Some sporadic compensation payments were made but German industry agreed a conclusive, global settlement only in 2000, with a £3billion compensation fund. There was no admission of legal liability and the individual compensation was paltry.

A slave labourer would receive 15,000 Deutschmarks (about £5,000), a forced labourer 5,000 (about £1,600). Any claimant accepting the deal had to undertake not to launch any further legal action.

To put this sum of money into perspective, in 2001 Volkswagen alone made profits of £1.8billion.

Next month, 27 European Union member states vote in the biggest transnational election in history. Europe now enjoys peace and stability. Germany is a democracy, once again home to a substantial Jewish community. The Holocaust is seared into national memory.

But the Red House Report is a bridge from a sunny present to a dark past. Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s propaganda chief, once said: ‘In 50 years’ time nobody will think of nation states.’

For now, the nation state endures. But these three typewritten pages are a reminder that today’s drive towards a European federal state is inexorably tangled up with the plans of the SS and German industrialists for a Fourth Reich – an economic rather than military imperium.

• The Budapest Protocol, Adam LeBor’s thriller inspired by the Red House Report, is published by Reportage Press.

To read the original article CLICK HEREI would recommend reading simplistic comments for the populist market by the ill informed that claim The EU is a ‘Nazi’ plot delve a little deeper into the facts rather than the theories of such conspiracies!
Do start by reading EUropaische WiertshaftGemeinschaft which can be found in translation if you CLICK HERE and follow the subsequent links on the site CLICK HERE

You would also be well advised to read Dr. Richard North & Christopher Bookers excellent book on The EU and its origins ‘The Great Deception’.

There are few if any political sources for information as it it is clear that virtually all politicians in Britain have a very poor understanding of the EU its background or its aims and those that do have such vested intrests, in the main, as to be far from reliable sources of even opinion let alone facts!

.

.
Regards,

Greg_L-W.
.

Posted by: Greg Lance-Watkins

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PostPosted: Thu Mar 22, 2018 11:21 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

US Military Intelligence report EW-Pa 128
https://glwdocuments.wordpress.com/1944/11/27/the-red-house-report-07- nov-1944/

Enclosure No. 1 to despatch No. 19,489 of Nov. 27, 1944, from
the Embassy at London, England.

S E C R E T
SUPREME HEADQUARTERS
ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE
Office of Assistant Chief of Staff, G-2
7 November 1944
INTELLIGENCE REPORT NO. EW-Pa 128

SUBJECT:
Plans of German industrialists to engage in underground activity after Germany’s defeat; flow of capital to neutral countries.

SOURCE:
Agent of French Deuxieme Bureau, recommended by Commandant Zindel.
This agent is regarded as reliable and has worked for the French on German problems since 1916.
He was in close contact with the Germans, particularly industrialists, during the occupation of France and he visited Germany as late as August, 1944.

1.
A meeting of the principal German industrialists with interests in France was held on August 10, 1944, in the Hotel Rotes Haus in Strasbourg, France, and attended by the informant indicated above as the source.

Among those present were the following:

Dr. Scheid, who presided, holding the rank of S.S. Obergruppenfuhrer and Director of the Heche (Hermandorff & Schonburg) Company

Dr. Kaspar, representing Krupp

Dr. Tolle, representing Rochling

Dr. Sinderen, representing Messerschmitt

Drs. Kopp, Vier and Beerwanger, representing Rheinmetall

Captain Haberkorn and Dr. Ruhe, representing Bussing

Drs. Ellenmayer and Kardos, representing Volkswagenwerk

Engineers Drose, Yanchew and Koppshem, representing various factories in Posen, Poland (Drose, Yanchew and Co., Brown-Boveri, Herkuleswerke, Buschwerke, and Stadtwerke)

Captain Dornbuach, head of the Industrial Inspection Section at Posen

Dr. Meyer, an official of the German Naval Ministry in Paris

Dr. Strossner, of the Ministry of Armament, Paris.


2.
Dr. Scheid stated that all industrial material in France was to be evacuated to Germany immediately. The battle of France was lost for Germany and now the defense of the Siegried Line was the main problem. From now on also German industry must realize that the war cannot be won and that it must take steps in preparation for a post-war commercial campaign. Each industrialist must make contacts and alliances with foreign firms, but this must be done individually and without attracting any suspicion. Moreover, the ground would have to be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war. As examples of the kind of penetration which had been most useful in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc., New York,
and the Krupp company of Germany jointly and that the U.S.
Steel Corporation, Carnegie Illinois, American Steel and Wire,
and national Tube, etc. were thereby under an obligation to
work with the Krupp concern. He also cited the Zeiss
Company, the Leisa Company and the Hamburg-American
Line as firms which had been especially effective in protecting
German interests abroad and gave their New York addresses to the industrialists at this meeting.

3.
Following this meeting a smaller one was held presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry and attended only by representatives of Hecho, Krupp and Rochling. At this second meeting it was stated that the Nazi Party had informed the industrialists that the war was practically lost but that it would continue until a guarantee of the unity of Germany could be obtained. German industrialists must, it was said, through their exports increase the strength of Germany. They must also prepare themselves to finance the Nazi Party which would be forced to go underground as Maquis (in Gebirgaverteidigungastellen gehen). From now on the government would allocate large sums to industrialists so that each could establish a secure post-war foundation in foreign countries. Existing financial reserves in foreign countries must be placed at the disposal of the Party so that a strong German Empire can be created after the defeat. It is also immediately required that the large factories in Germany create small technical offices or research bureaus which would be absolutely independent and have no known connection with the factory. These bureaus will receive plans and drawings of new weapons as well as documents which they need to continue their research and which must not be allowed to fall into the hands of the enemy. These offices are to be established in large cities where they can be most successfully hidden as well as in little villages near sources of hydro-electric power where they can pretend to be studying the development of water resources. The existence of these is to be known only by very few people in each industry and by chiefs of the Nazi Party. Each office will have a liaison agent with the Party. As soon as the Party becomes strong enough to re-establish its control over Germany the industrialists will be paid for their effort and cooperation by concessions and orders.

4.
These meetings seem to indicate that the prohibition against the export of capital which was rigorously enforced until now has been completely withdrawn and replaced by a new Nazi policy whereby industrialists with government assistance will export as much of their capital as possible.
Previously exports of capital by German industrialists to neutral countries had to be accomplished rather surreptitiously and by means of special influence. Now the Nazi party stands behind the industrialists and urges them to save themselves by getting funds outside Germany and at the same time to advance the party’s plans for its post-war operation.
This freedom given to the industrialists further cements their relations with the Party by giving them a measure of protection.

5.
The German industrialists are not only buying agricultural property in Germany but are placing their funds abroad,
particularly in neutral countries. Two main banks through which this export of capital operates are the Basler Handelsbank
and the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich. Also there are a number of agencies in Switzerland which for a 5 percent commission buy property in Switzerland, using a Swiss cloak.

6.
After the defeat of Germany the Nazi Party recognizes that certain of its best known leaders will be condemned as war criminals. However, in cooperation with the industrialists it is arranging to place its less conspicuous but most important members in positions with various German factories as technical experts or members of its research and designing offices.


For the A.C. of S., G-2.
WALTER K. SCHWINN
G-2, Economic Section
Prepared by
MELVIN M. FAGEN
Distribution:
Same as EW-Pa 1,
U.S. Political Adviser, SHAEF
British Political Adviser, SHAEF

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